The ‘Soft Coup’
of Russia-gate
The Russia-gate hysteria has grown stronger after President Trump’s firing
of FBI Director Comey, but the bigger question is whether an American “soft
coup” is in the works, reports Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
May 13, 2017 "Information Clearing House" - Where is Stanley Kubrick when we
need him? If he hadn’t died in 1999, he would be the perfect director to
transform today’s hysteria over Russia into a theater-of-the-absurd movie
reprising his Cold War classic, “Dr. Strangelove,” which savagely satirized
the madness of nuclear brinksmanship and the crazed ideology behind it.
To prove my point,
The Washington Post on Thursday published a lengthy story entitled in the print editions “Alarm at
Russian in White House” about a Russian photographer who was allowed into
the Oval Office to photograph President Trump’s meeting with Russian
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.
The Post cited
complaints from former U.S. intelligence officials who criticized the
presence of the Russian photographer as “a potential security breach”
because of “the danger that a listening device or other surveillance
equipment could have been brought into the Oval Office while hidden in
cameras or other electronics.”
To bolster this
alarm, the Post cited a Twitter comment from President Obama’s last deputy
CIA director, David S. Cohen, stating “No, it was not” a sound decision to
admit the Russian photographer who also works for the Russian news agency,
Tass, which published the photo.
One could picture
Boris and Natasha, the evil spies in the Bullwinkle cartoons, disguised as
photographers slipping listening devices between the cushions of the sofas.
Or we could hear how
Russians are again threatening to “impurify all of our precious bodily
fluids,” as “Dr. Strangelove” character, Gen. Jack D. Ripper, warned us in
the 1964 movie.
Watching that
brilliant dark comedy again might actually be a good idea to remind us how
crazy Americans can get when they’re pumped up with anti-Russian
propaganda, as is happening again now.
Taking Down
Trump
I realize that many
Democrats, liberals and progressives hate Donald Trump so much that they
believe that any pretext is justified in taking him down, even if that
plays into the hands of the neoconservatives and other warmongers. Many
people who detest Trump view Russia-gate as the most likely path to achieve
Trump’s impeachment, so this desirable end justifies whatever means.
Some people have told
me that they even believe that it is the responsibility of the major news
media, the law enforcement and intelligence communities, and members of
Congress to engage in a “soft coup” against Trump – also known as a
“constitutional coup” or “deep state coup” – for the “good of the country.”
The argument is that
it sometimes falls to these Establishment institutions to “correct” a
mistake made by the American voters, in this case, the election of a
largely unqualified individual as U.S. president. It is even viewed by some
anti-Trump activists as a responsibility of “responsible” journalists,
government officials and others to play this “guardian” role, to not simply
“resist” Trump but to remove him.
There are obvious
counter-arguments to this view, particularly that it makes something of a
sham of American democracy. It also imposes on journalists a need to
violate the ethical responsibility to provide objective reporting, not
taking sides in political disputes.
But The New York
Times and The Washington Post, in particular, have made it clear that they
view Trump as a clear and present danger to the American system and thus
have cast aside any pretense of neutrality.
The Times justifies
its open hostility to the President as part of its duty to protect “the
truth”; the Post has adopted a slogan aimed at Trump, “Democracy Dies in
Darkness.” In other words, America’s two most influential political
newspapers are effectively pushing for a “soft coup” under the guise of
defending “democracy” and “truth.”
But the obvious
problem with a “soft coup” is that America’s democratic process, as
imperfect as it has been and still is, has held this diverse country
together since 1788 with the notable exception of the Civil War.
If Americans believe
that the Washington elites are removing an elected president – even one as
buffoonish as Donald Trump – it could tear apart the fabric of national
unity, which is already under extraordinary stress from intense
partisanship.
That means that the
“soft coup” would have to be carried out under the guise of a serious investigation
into something grave enough to justify the President’s removal,
a removal that could be accomplished by congressional impeachment, his
forced resignation, or the application of Twenty-fifth Amendment, which
allows the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet to judge a
President incapable of continuing in office (although that could require
two-thirds votes by both houses of Congress if the President fights the
maneuver).
A Big Enough
‘Scandal’
That is where
Russia-gate comes in. The gauzy allegation that Trump and/or his advisers
somehow colluded with Russian intelligence officials to rig the 2016
election would probably clear the threshold for an extreme action like
removing a President.
There’s not even any
public evidence from U.S. government agencies that Russia did “meddle” in
the 2016 election or – even if Russia did slip Democratic emails to
WikiLeaks (which WikiLeaks denies) – there has been zero evidence that the
scheme resulted from collusion with Trump’s campaign.
The FBI has been
investigating these suspicions for at least nine months, even reportedly
securing a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act warrant against Carter
Page, an American whom Trump briefly claimed as a foreign policy adviser
when Trump was under fire for not having any foreign policy advisers.
One of Page’s alleged
offenses was that he gave a speech to an academic conference in Moscow in
July 2016 that was mildly critical of how the U.S. treated countries from
the former Soviet Union. He also once lived in Russia and apparently met
with a Russian diplomat who – apparently unbeknownst to Page – had been
identified by the U.S. government as a Russian intelligence officer.
The FBI and the
Department of Justice also reportedly are including as part of the
Russia-gate investigation Trump’s stupid campaign joke calling on the
Russians to help find the tens of thousands of emails that Clinton erased
from the home server that she used while Secretary of State.
On July 27, 2016,
Trump said, apparently in jest, “I will tell you this, Russia: if you’re
listening, I hope you’re able to find the 30,000 emails that are missing.”
The comment fit with
Trump’s puckish, provocative and often tasteless sense of humor, but was
seized on by Democrats as if it were a serious suggestion – as if anyone
would use a press conference to seriously urge something like that. But it
now appears that the FBI is grabbing at any straw that might support its
investigation.
The (U.K.) Guardian reported this week that “Senior DoJ officials have
declined to release the documents [about Trump’s comment] on grounds that
such disclosure could ‘interfere with enforcement proceedings’. In a filing to a federal court in Washington DC, the DoJ
states that ‘because of the existence of an active, ongoing investigation,
the FBI anticipates that it will … withhold all records’.
“The statement
suggests that Trump’s provocative comment last July is being seen by the FBI as relevant to its own ongoing
investigation.”
The NYT’s
Accusations
On Friday, in the
wake of Trump’s firing of FBI Director James Comey and the President’s
characterization of Russia-gate as “a total hoax,” The New York Times
reprised what it called “The Trump-Russia Nexus” in a lead editorial trying to make the case of some fire behind
the smoke.
Though the Times
acknowledges that there are “many unknowns” in Russia-gate and the Times
can’t seem to find any evidence of collusion, such as slipping a Russian
data stick to WikiLeaks, the Times nevertheless treats a host of Trump
advisers and family members as traitors because they’ve had some
association with Russian officials, Russian businesses or Russian allies.
Regarding Carter
Page, the Times wrote: “American officials believe that Mr. Page, a foreign
policy adviser, had contacts with Russian intelligence officials during the
campaign. He also gave a pro-Russia speech in Moscow in July 2016. Mr. Page
was once employed by Merrill Lynch’s Moscow office, where he worked with
Gazprom, a government-owned giant.”
You might want to let
some of those words sink in, especially the part about Page giving “a
pro-Russia speech in Moscow,” which has been cited as one of the principal
reasons for Page and his communications being targeted under a FISA
warrant.
I’ve actually read
Page’s speech and to call it “pro-Russia” is a wild exaggeration. It was a
largely academic treatise that faulted the West’s post-Cold War treatment
of the nations formed from the old Soviet Union, saying the rush to a
free-market system led to some negative consequences, such as the spread of
corruption.
But even if the
speech were “pro-Russia,” doesn’t The New York Times respect the quaint
American notion of free speech? Apparently not. If your carefully crafted
words can be twisted into something called “pro-Russia,” the Times seems to
think it’s okay to have the National Security Agency bug your phones and
read your emails.
The Ukraine Case
Another Times’ target
was veteran political adviser Paul Manafort, who is accused of working as
“a consultant for a pro-Russia political party in Ukraine and for Ukraine’s
former president, Viktor Yanukovych, who was backed by the Kremlin.”
Left out of that
Times formulation is the fact that the Ukrainian political party, which had
strong backing from ethnic Russian Ukrainians — not just Russia– competed
in a democratic process and that Yanukovych won an election that was
recognized by international observers as free and fair.
Yanukovych was then
ousted in February 2014 in a violent putsch that was backed by U.S.
Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland and U.S. Ambassador Geoffrey
Pyatt. The putsch, which was spearheaded by right-wing nationalists and
even neo-Nazis, touched off Ukraine’s civil war and the secession of
Crimea, the key events in the escalation of today’s New Cold War between
NATO and Russia.
Though I’m no fan of
U.S. political hired-guns selling their services in foreign elections,
there was nothing illegal or even unusual about Manafort advising a
Ukrainian political party. What arguably was much more offensive was the
U.S. support for an unconstitutional coup that removed Yanukovych even
after he agreed to a European plan for early elections so he could be voted
out of office peacefully.
But the Times, the
Post and virtually the entire Western mainstream media sided with the
Ukrainian coup-makers and hailed Yanukovych’s overthrow. That attitude has
become such a groupthink that the Times has banished the thought that there
was a coup.
Still, the larger
political problem confronting the United States is that the
neoconservatives and their junior partners, the liberal interventionists,
now control nearly all the levers of U.S. foreign policy. That means they
can essentially dictate how events around the world will be perceived by
most Americans.
The neocons and the
liberal hawks also want to continue their open-ended wars in the Middle
East by arranging the commitment of additional U.S.
military forces to
Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria – and perhaps a new confrontation with Iran.
Early in Obama’s
second term, it became clear to the neocons that Russia was becoming the
chief obstacles to their plans because President Barack Obama was working
closely with President Vladimir Putin on a variety of projects that
undermined neocon hopes for more war.
Particularly, Putin
helped Obama secure an agreement from Syria to surrender its chemical
weapons stockpiles in 2013 and to get Iran to accept tight constraints on
its nuclear program in 2014. In both cases, the neocons and their
liberal-hawk sidekicks were lusting for war.
Immediately after the
Syria chemical-weapons deal in September 2013, key U.S. neocons began
focusing on Ukraine as what National Endowment for Democracy president Carl
Gershman called “the biggest prize” and a first step toward
unseating Putin in Moscow.
Gershman’s
grant-giving NED stepped up its operations inside Ukraine while Assistant
Secretary Nuland, the wife of arch-neocon Robert Kagan, began pushing for
regime change in Kiev (along with other neocons, including Sen. John
McCain).
The Ukraine coup in
2014 drove a geopolitical wedge between Obama and Putin, since the Russian
president couldn’t just stand by when a virulently anti-Russian regime took
power violently in Ukraine, which was the well-worn route for invasions
into Russia and housed Russia’s Black Sea fleet at Sevastopol in Crimea.
Rather than defend
the valuable cooperation provided by Putin, Obama went with the political
flow and joined in the Russia-bashing as key neocons raised their sights
and put Putin in the crosshairs.
An Unexpected
Obstacle
For the neocons in
2016, there also was the excited expectation of a Hillary Clinton
presidency to give more momentum to the expensive New Cold War. But then
Trump, who had argued for a new détente with Russia, managed to eke out an
Electoral College win.
Perhaps Trump could
have diffused some of the hostility toward him but his narcissistic
personality stopped him from extending an olive branch to the tens of
millions of Americans who opposed him. He further demonstrated his
political incompetence by wasting his first days in office making
ridiculous claims about the size of his inaugural crowds and disputing the fact
that he had lost the popular vote.
Widespread public
disgust over his behavior contributed to the determination of many
Americans to “resist” his presidency at all junctures and at all costs.
Russia-gate, the hazy
suggestion that Putin put Trump in the White House and that Trump is a
Putin “puppet” (as Clinton claimed), became the principal weapon to use in
destroying Trump’s presidency.
However, besides the
risks to U.S. stability that would come from an Establishment-driven “soft
coup,” there is the additional danger of ratcheting up tensions so high
with nuclear-armed Russia that this extreme Russia-bashing takes on a life
– or arguably many, many deaths – of its own.
Which is why America
now might need a piercing satire of today’s Russia-phobia or at least a
revival of the Cold War classic, “Dr. Strangelove,” subtitled “How I
Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb.”
Investigative
reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The
Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his latest book, America’s
Stolen Narrative, either in print here or as an e-book (from Amazonand barnesandnoble.com).
The views
expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect the opinions of Information Clearing House.
Wilkerson: Trump
"Needs a Good War" and Pence is Waiting in the Wings to Lead It
Lawrence Wilkerson is
a retired United States Army soldier and former chief of staff to United
States Secretary of State Colin Powell. Wilkerson is an adjunct professor
at the College of William & Mary where he teaches courses on US
national security. He also instructs a senior seminar in the Honors
Department at the George Washington University entitled "National
Security Decision Making."
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