Ray McGovern
Explains What Happens to a President Who Goes Against the CIA
Ray McGovern
Explains What Happens to a President Who Goes Against the CIA
The Deep State’s JFK Triumph Over Trump
It was summer 1963 when a senior official of CIA’s
operations directorate treated our Junior Officer Trainee (JOT) class to an
unbridled rant against President John F. Kennedy. He accused JFK, among other
things, of rank cowardice in refusing to send U.S. armed forces to bail out Cuban
rebels pinned down during the CIA-launched invasion at the Bay of Pigs, blowing
the chance to drive Cuba’s Communist leader Fidel Castro from power.
It seemed beyond odd that a CIA official would voice
such scathing criticism of a sitting President at a training course for those
selected to be CIA’s future leaders. I remember thinking to myself, “This guy
is unhinged; he would kill Kennedy, given the chance.”
Our special guest lecturer looked a lot like E. Howard
Hunt, but more than a half-century later, I cannot be sure it was he. Our notes
from such training/indoctrination were classified and kept under lock and key.
At the end of our JOT orientation, we budding Agency
leaders had to make a basic choice between joining the directorate for
substantive analysis or the operations directorate where case officers run
spies and organize regime changes (in those days, we just called the process
overthrowing governments).
I chose the analysis directorate and, once ensconced
in the brand new headquarters building in Langley, Virginia, I found it strange
that subway-style turnstiles prevented analysts from going to the “operations
side of the house,” and vice versa. Truth be told, we were never one happy
family.
I cannot speak for my fellow analysts in the early
1960s, but it never entered my mind that operatives on the other side of the
turnstiles might be capable of assassinating a President – the very President
whose challenge to do something for our country had brought many of us to
Washington in the first place. But, barring the emergence of a courageous
whistleblower-patriot like Daniel Ellsberg, Chelsea Manning, or Edward Snowden,
I do not expect to live long enough to learn precisely who orchestrated and
carried out the assassination of JFK.
And yet, in a sense, those particulars seem less
important than two main lessons learned: (1) If a President can face down
intense domestic pressure from the power elite and turn toward peace with
perceived foreign enemies, then anything is possible. The darkness of Kennedy’s
murder should not obscure the light of that basic truth; and (2) There is ample
evidence pointing to a state execution of a President willing to take huge risks
for peace. While no post-Kennedy president can ignore that harsh reality, it
remains possible that a future President with the vision and courage of JFK
might beat the odds – particularly as the American Empire disintegrates and
domestic discontent grows.
I do hope to be around next April after the 180-day
extension for release of the remaining JFK documents. But – absent a gutsy
whistleblower – I wouldn’t be surprised to see in April, a Washington
Post banner headline much like the one that appeared Saturday: “JFK
files: The promise of revelations derailed by CIA, FBI.”
The New Delay Is the Story
You might have thought that almost 54 years after
Kennedy was murdered in the streets of Dallas – and after knowing for a quarter
century the supposedly final deadline for releasing the JFK files – the CIA and
FBI would not have needed a six-month extension to decide what secrets that
they still must hide.
Journalist Caitlin Johnstone hits
the nail on the head in pointing out that the biggest revelation from
last week’s limited release of the JFK files is “the fact that the FBI and CIA
still desperately need to keep secrets about something that happened 54 years
ago.”
What was released on Oct. 26, was a tiny fraction of
what had remained undisclosed in the National Archives. To find out why, one
needs to have some appreciation of a 70-year-old American political tradition
that might be called “fear of the spooks.”
That the CIA and FBI are still choosing what we should
be allowed to see concerning who murdered John Kennedy may seem unusual, but
there is hoary precedent for it. After JFK’s assassination on Nov. 22, 1963,
the well-connected Allen Dulles, whom Kennedy had fired as CIA director after
the Bay of Pigs fiasco, got himself appointed to the Warren Commission and took
the lead in shaping the investigation of JFK’s murder.
By becoming de facto head of the
Commission, Dulles was perfectly placed to protect himself and his associates,
if any commissioners or investigators were tempted to question whether Dulles
and the CIA played any role in killing Kennedy. When a few independent-minded
journalists did succumb to that temptation, they were immediately branded – you
guessed it – “conspiracy theorists.”
And so, the big question remains: Did Allen Dulles and
other “cloak-and-dagger” CIA operatives have a hand in John Kennedy’s assassination
and subsequent cover-up? In my view and the view of many more knowledgeable
investigators, the best dissection of the evidence on the murder appears in
James Douglass’s 2008 book, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and
Why It Matters.
After updating and arraying the abundant evidence, and
conducting still more interviews, Douglass concludes that the answer to the big
question is Yes. Reading Douglass’s book today may help explain why so many
records are still withheld from release, even in redacted form, and why,
indeed, we may never see them in their entirety.
Truman: CIA a Frankenstein?
When Kennedy was assassinated, it must have occurred
to former President Harry Truman, as it did to many others, that the disgraced
Allen Dulles and his associates might have conspired to get rid of a President
they felt was soft on Communism – and dismissive of the Deep State of that
time. Not to mention their vengeful desire to retaliate for Kennedy’s response
to the Bay of Pigs fiasco. (Firing Allen Dulles and other CIA paragons of the
Deep State for that fiasco simply was not done.)
Exactly one month after John Kennedy was killed,
the Washington Postpublished an op-ed by Harry Truman titled “Limit
CIA Role to Intelligence.” The first sentence read, “I think it has become
necessary to take another look at the purpose and operations of our Central
Intelligence Agency.”
Strangely, the op-ed appeared only in the Post’s early
edition on Dec. 22, 1963. It was excised from that day’s later editions and,
despite being authored by the President who was responsible for setting up the
CIA in 1947, the all-too-relevant op-ed was ignored in all other major media.
Truman clearly believed that the spy agency had
lurched off in what Truman thought were troubling directions. He began his
op-ed by underscoring “the original reason why I thought it necessary to
organize this Agency … and what I expected it to do.” It would be “charged with
the collection of all intelligence reports from every available source, and to
have those reports reach me as President without Department ‘treatment’ or
interpretations.”
Truman then moved quickly to one of the main things
clearly bothering him. He wrote “the most important thing was to guard against
the chance of intelligence being used to influence or to lead the President
into unwise decisions.”
It was not difficult to see this as a reference to how
one of the agency’s early directors, Allen Dulles, tried to trick President
Kennedy into sending U.S. forces to rescue the group of invaders who had landed
on the beach at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961 with no chance of success, absent
the speedy commitment of US air and ground support. The planned mouse-trapping
of the then-novice President Kennedy had been underpinned by a rosy “analysis”
showing how this pinprick on the beach would lead to a popular uprising against
Fidel Castro.
Wallowing in the Bay of Pigs
Arch-Establishment figure Allen Dulles was offended
when young President Kennedy, on entering office, had the temerity to question
the CIA’s Bay of Pigs plans, which had been set in motion under President
Dwight Eisenhower. When Kennedy made it clear he would not approve
the use of US combat forces, Dulles set out, with supreme confidence, to give
the President no choice except to send US troops to the rescue.
Coffee-stained notes handwritten by Allen Dulles were
discovered after his death and reported by historian Lucien S. Vandenbroucke.
In his notes, Dulles explained that, “when the chips were down,” Kennedy would
be forced by “the realities of the situation” to give whatever military support
was necessary “rather than permit the enterprise to fail.”
The “enterprise” which Dulles said could not fail was,
of course, the overthrow of Fidel Castro. After mounting several failed
operations to assassinate Castro, this time Dulles meant to get his man, with
little or no attention to how Castro’s patrons in Moscow might react
eventually. (The next year, the Soviets agreed to install nuclear missiles in
Cuba as a deterrent to future US aggression, leading to the Cuban Missile
Crisis).
In 1961, the reckless Joint Chiefs of Staff, whom
then-Deputy Secretary of State George Ball later described as a “sewer of
deceit,” relished any chance to confront the Soviet Union and give it, at
least, a black eye. (One can still smell the odor from that sewer in many of
the documents released last week.)
But Kennedy stuck to his guns, so to speak. A few
months after the abortive invasion of Cuba — and his refusal to send the US
military to the rescue — Kennedy fired Dulles and his co-conspirators and told
a friend that he wanted to “splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter
it into the winds.” Clearly, the outrage was mutual.
When JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and
Why It Matters came out, the mainstream media had an allergic reaction
and gave it almost no reviews. It is a safe bet, though, that Barack Obama was
given a copy and that this might account in some degree for his continual
deference – timorousness even – toward the CIA.
Could fear of the Deep State be largely why President
Obama felt he had to leave the Cheney/Bush-anointed CIA torturers, kidnappers
and black-prison wardens in place, instructing his first CIA chief, Leon
Panetta, to become, in effect, the agency’s lawyer rather than take charge? Is
this why Obama felt he could not fire his clumsily devious Director of National
Intelligence James Clapper, who had to apologize to Congress for giving
“clearly erroneous” testimony under oath in March 2013? Does Obama’s fear account
for his allowing then-National Security Agency Director Keith Alexander and
counterparts in the FBI to continue to mislead the American people, even though
the documents released by Edward Snowden showed them – as well as Clapper – to
be lying about the government’s surveillance activities?
Is this why Obama fought tooth and nail to protect CIA
Director John Brennan by trying to thwart publication of the comprehensive
Senate Intelligence Committee investigation of CIA torture, which was based on
original Agency cables, emails, and headquarters memos? [See here and here.]
The Deep State Today
Many Americans cling to a comforting conviction that
the Deep State is a fiction, at least in a “democracy” like the United States.
References to the enduring powers of the security agencies and other key
bureaucracies have been essentially banned by the mainstream media, which many
other suspicious Americans have come to see as just one more appendage of the
Deep State.
But occasionally the reality of how power works pokes
through in some unguarded remark by a Washington insider, someone like Sen.
Chuck Schumer, D-New York, the Senate Minority Leader with 36 years of
experience in Congress. As Senate Minority Leader, he also is an ex
officiomember of the Senate Intelligence Committee, which is supposed to
oversee the intelligence agencies.
During a Jan. 3, 2017 interview with MSNBC’S Rachel
Maddow, Schumer told Maddow nonchalantly about the dangers awaiting
President-elect Donald Trump if he kept on “taking on the intelligence
community.” She and Schumer were discussing Trump’s sharp tweeting regarding US
intelligence and evidence of “Russian hacking” (which both Schumer and Maddow
treat as flat fact).
Schumer said:
“Let me tell you, you take on the intelligence community, they have six ways
from Sunday at getting back at you. So even for a practical, supposedly
hard-nosed businessman, he’s being really dumb to do this.”
Three days after that interview, President Obama’s
intelligence chiefs released a nearly evidence-free “assessment” claiming that
the Kremlin engaged in a covert operation to put Trump into office, fueling a
“scandal” that has hobbled Trump’s presidency. On Monday, Russia-gate special
prosecutor Robert Mueller indicted Trump’s one-time campaign manager Paul
Manafort on unrelated money laundering, tax and foreign lobbying charges,
apparently in the hope that Manafort will provide incriminating evidence
against Trump.
So, President Trump has been in office long enough to
have learned how the game is played and the “six ways from Sunday” that the
intelligence community has for “getting back at you.” He appears to be as
intimidated as was President Obama.
Trump’s awkward acquiescence in the Deep State’s
last-minute foot-dragging regarding release of the JFK files is simply the most
recent sign that he, too, is under the thumb of what the Soviets used to call
“the organs of state security.”
Ray McGovern works with Tell the Word, a publishing
arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in inner-city Washington. He was an
Army Infantry/Intelligence officer and CIA analyst for a total of 30 years and
now servers on the Steering Group of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for
Sanity (VIPS). Reprinted with permission from Consortium News.
Read more by Ray McGovern
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