Has
The Israel Lobby Destroyed Americans’ First Amendment Rights?
Has
The Israel Lobby Destroyed Americans’ First Amendment Rights?
Paul
Craig Roberts
The
Israel Lobby has shown its power over Americans’ perceptions and ability to exercise
free speech via its influence in media, entertainment and ability to block
university tenure appointments, such as those of Norman Finkelstein and Steven
Salaita. Indeed, the power of the Israel Lobby is today so widely recognized
and feared that editors, producers, and tenure committees anticipate the
lobby’s objections in advance and avoid writers, subjects, and professors
judged unacceptable to the lobby.
The
latest example is The American Conservative’s firing of former CIA officer
Philip Giraldi.http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/47942.htm Giraldi
wrote an article for the Unz Review about Israel’s influence over American
foreign policy in the Middle East.http://www.unz.com/pgiraldi/americas-jews-are-driving-americas-wars/ The
article didn’t say anything that the Israeli newspaper Haaretz hadn’t said
already. The editor of The American Conservative, where Giraldi had been a
contributor for a decade and a half, was terrified that the magazine was
associated with a critic of Israel and quickly terminated the relationship.
Such abject cowardice as the editor of The American Conservative showed is a
true measure of the power of the Israel Lobby.
Meny
seasoned experts believe that without the influence of the Israel Lobby,
particularly as exerted by the Jewish Neoconservatives, the United States would
not have been at war in the Middle East and North Africa for the last 16 years.
These wars have done nothing for the US but harm, and they have cost taxpayers
trillions of dollars and caused extensive death and destruction in seven
countries and a massive refugee flow into Europe.
For
a superpower such as the United States not to be in control of its own foreign
policy is a serious matter. Giraldi is correct and patriotic to raise this
concern. Giraldi makes sensible recommendations for correcting Washington’s
lack of control over its own policy. But instead of analysis and debate of
Giraldi’s proposals, the result is Giraldi’s punishment by an editor of a
conservative publication anticipating the Israel Lobby’s wishes.
Americans
should think about the fact that Israel is the only country on earth that it is
impermissible to criticize. Anyone who criticizes Israeli policy, especially
toward the Palestinians, or remarks on Israel’s influence, is branded an
“anti-semite.” Even mild critics who are trying to steer Israel away from
making mistakes, such as former President Jimmy Carter, are branded
“anti-semites.”
The
Israel Lobby’s purpose in labeling a critic an “anti-semite” is to discredit
the criticism as an expression of dislike or hatred of Jews. In other words,
the criticism is presented as merely an expression of the person’s aversion to
Jewishness. A persistent critic is likely to be charged with trying to incite a
new holocaust.
It
is possible to criticize the policy of Germany, France, Spain, UK, Italy,
Brazil, Mexico, Russia, China, Iran, the US, indeed, every other country
without being called anti-German, Anti-French, Anti-British, Anti-American,
etc., although US policy in the Middle East is so closely aligned with Israel’s
that the Israel Lobby regards critics of US Middle East policy as hostile to
Israel. Despite the failures of US policy, it is getting more and more
difficult to criticize it without the risk of being branded “unpatriotic,” and
possibly even a “Muslim sympathizer” and “anti-semite.”
The
power of the Israel Lobby is seen in many places. For example, the US Congress
demands that RT, a news service, register as a Russian agent, but AIPAC, before
whom every year the US Congress pays its homage and submission, does not have
to register as an Israeli agent.
The
many anomalies in the Israel Lobby’s power pass unremarked. For example, the
Anti-Defamation League (ADL) defines criticism of Israeli policies as
defamation and brands critics “anti-semites.” In other words, the ADL itself is
set up in the business of defamation or name-calling. The incongruity of an
organization created to oppose defamation engaging in defamation as its sole
purpose passes unremarked.
Israel
is very proud of its power over the United States. Israeli political leaders
have a history of bragging about their power over America. But if an American
complains about it, he is a Jew-hater. The only safe way for an American to
call attention to the power Israel has over the US is to brag about it. It is
OK to acknowledge Israel’s power if you put it in a good light, but not if you
complain about it.
So,
let me put it this way: Israel’s unique ability to discredit all criticism of
its policies as a mere expression of anti-Jewish sentiment is the greatest
public relations success in the history of PR. The stupidity of the goy is
easily overcome by the more capable Jew. Hats off to Israel for outwitting the
dumbshit Americans and taking over their foreign policy. Perhaps Israel should
take over US domestic policy as well. Or have they already? It has been 30
years since the Federal Reserve has had a non-Jewish Chairman, and for the past
three years Stanley Fischer, the former chairman of the Central Bank of Israel,
has been Vice Chairman of the Federal Reserve. Since the Clinton regime, the
Treasury Secretaries have been predominately Jewish. We can say that their
financial talent makes them natural candidates for these positions, but it is
disingenuous to deny the influence of this small minority in American life.
This influence becomes a problem when it is used to silence free speech.
Here
is Giraldi:
How
I Got Fired
October
03, 2017 “Information Clearing House” – Two weeks ago, I wrote for
Unz.com an article entitled “America’s Jews Are Driving America’s Wars.” It
sought to make several points concerning the consequences of Jewish political
power vis-à-vis some aspects of U.S. foreign policy. It noted that some
individual American Jews and organizations with close ties to Israel, whom I
named and identified, are greatly disproportionately represented in the
government, media, foundations, think tanks and lobbying that is part and
parcel of the deliberations that lead to formulation of U.S. foreign policy in
the Middle East. Inevitably, those policies are skewed to represent Israeli
interests and do serious damage to genuine American equities in the region.
This tilt should not necessarily surprise anyone who has been paying attention
and was noted by Nathan Glazer, among others, as long ago as 1976.
The
end result of Israel centric policymaking in Washington is to produce
negotiators like Dennis Ross, who consistently supported Israeli positions in
peace talks, so much so that he was referred to as “Israel’s lawyer.” It also
can result in wars, which is of particular concern given the current level of
hostility being generated by these same individuals and organizations relating
to Iran. This group of Israel advocates is as responsible as any other body in
the United States for the deaths of thousands of Americans and literally
millions of mostly Muslim foreigners in unnecessary wars in Afghanistan, Iraq,
Libya and Syria. It has also turned the U.S. into an active accomplice in the
brutal suppression of the Palestinians. That they have never expressed any
remorse or regret and the fact that the deaths and suffering don’t seem to
matter to them are clear indictments of the sheer inhumanity of the positions
they embrace.
The
claims that America’s Middle Eastern wars have been fought for Israel are not
an anti-Semitic delusion. Some observers, including former high government
official Philip Zelikow, believe that Iraq was attacked by the U.S. in 2003 to
protect Israel. On April 3rd, just as the war was starting, the Israeli
newspaper Haaretz headlined “The war in Iraq was conceived by 25
neoconservative intellectuals, most of them Jewish, who are pushing President
Bush to change the course of history.” It then went on to describe how “In the
course of the past year, a new belief has emerged in [Washington]: the belief
in war against Iraq. That ardent faith was disseminated by a small group of 25
or 30 neoconservatives, almost all of them Jewish, almost all of them
intellectuals (a partial list: Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas Feith,
William Kristol, Eliot Abrams, Charles Krauthammer), people who are mutual
friends and cultivate one another.”
And
the deference to a Jewish proprietary interest in Middle Eastern policy
produces U.S. Ambassadors to Israel who are more comfortable explaining Israeli
positions than in supporting American interests. David Friedman, the current
Ambassador, spoke last week defending illegal Israeli settlements, which are
contrary to official U.S. policy, arguing that they represented only 2% of the
West Bank. He did not mention that the land controlled by Israel, to include a
security zone, actually represents 60% of the total area.
My
suggestion for countering the overrepresentation of a special interest in
policy formulation was to avoid putting Jewish government officials in that
position by, insofar as possible, not giving them assignments relating to
policy in the Middle East. As I noted in my article, that was, in fact, the
norm regarding Ambassadors and senior foreign service assignments to Israel
prior to 1995, when Bill Clinton broke precedent by appointing Australian
citizen Martin Indyk to the position. I think, on balance, it is eminently sensible
to avoid putting people in jobs where they will likely have conflicts of
interest.
Another
solution that I suggested for American Jews who are strongly attached to Israel
and find themselves in a position that considers policy for that country and its
neighbors would be to recuse themselves from the deliberations, just as a judge
who finds himself personally involved in a judicial proceeding might withdraw.
It would seem to me that, depending on the official’s actual relationship with
Israel, it would be a clear conflict of interest to do otherwise.
The
argument that such an individual could protect American interests while also
having a high level of concern for a foreign nation with contrary interests is
at best questionable. As George Washington observed in his farewell address,
“…a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of
evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an
imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and
infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate
inducement or justification…”
My
article proved to be quite popular, particularly after former CIA officer
Valerie Plame tweeted her approval of it and was viciously and repeatedly
attacked, resulting in a string of abject apologies on her part. As a
reasonably well-known public figure, Plame attracted a torrent of negative
press, in which I, as the author of the piece being tweeted, was also
identified and excoriated. In every corner of the mainstream media I was called
“a well-known anti-Semite,” “a long time anti-Israel fanatic,” and, ironically,
“a somewhat obscure character.”
The
widespread criticism actually proved to be excellent in terms of generating
real interest in my article. Many people apparently wanted to read it even
though some of the attacks against me and Plame deliberately did not provide a
link to it to discourage such activity. As of this writing, it has been opened
and viewed 130,000 times and commented on 1,250 times. Most of the comments
were favorable. Some of my older pieces, including The Dancing Israelis and Why
I Still Dislike Israel have also found a new and significant readership as a result
of the furor.
One
of the implications of my original article was that Jewish advocacy groups in
the United States are disproportionately powerful, capable of using easy access
to the media and to compliant politicians to shape policies that are driven by
tribal considerations and not necessarily by the interests of most of the
American people. Professors John Mearsheimer of the University of Chicago and
Stephen Walt of Harvard, in their groundbreaking book “The Israel Lobby”,
observed how the billions of dollars given to Israel annually “cannot be fully
explained on either strategic or moral grounds… {and] is due largely to the
activities of the Israel lobby—a loose coalition of individuals and
organizations who openly work to push U.S. foreign policy in a pro-Israel
direction.”
Those
same powerful interests are systematically protected from criticism or reprisal
by constantly renewed claims of historic and seemingly perpetual victimhood.
But within the Jewish community and media, that same Jewish power is frequently
exalted. It manifests itself in boasting about the many Jews who have obtained
high office or who have achieved notoriety in the professions and in business.
In a recent speech, Harvard Law School Professor Alan Dershowitz put it this
way, “People say Jews are too powerful, too strong, too rich, we control the
media, we’ve too much this, too much that and we often apologetically deny our
strength and our power. Don’t do that! We have earned the right to influence
public debate, we have earned the right to be heard, we have contributed
disproportionately to success of this country.” He has also discussed punishing
critics of Israel, “Anyone that does [that] has to be treated with economic
consequences. We have to hit them in the pocketbook. Don’t ever, ever be
embarrassed about using Jewish power. Jewish power, whether it be intellectual,
academic, economic, political– in the interest of justice is the right thing to
do.”
My
article, in fact, began with an explanation of that one aspect of Jewish power,
its ability to promote Israeli interests freely and even openly while
simultaneously silencing critics. I described how any individual or “any
organization that aspires to be heard on foreign policy knows that to touch the
live wire of Israel and American Jews guarantees a quick trip to obscurity.
Jewish groups and deep pocket individual donors not only control the
politicians, they own and run the media and entertainment industries, meaning
that no one will hear about or from the offending party ever again.”
With
that in mind, I should have expected that there would be a move made to
“silence” me. It came three days after my article appeared. The Editor of The
American Conservative (TAC) magazine and website, where I have been a regular
and highly rated contributor for nearly 15 years, called me and abruptly
announced that even though my article had appeared on another site, it had been
deemed unacceptable and TAC would have to sever its relationship with me. I
called him a coward and he replied that he was not.
I
do not know exactly who on the TAC board decided to go after me. Several board
members who are good friends apparently were not even informed about what was
going on when firing me was under consideration. I do not know whether someone
coming from outside the board applied pressure in any way, but there is
certainly a long history of friends of Israel being able to remove individuals
who have offended against the established narrative, recently exemplified by
the hounding of now-ex-Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel who had the temerity to
state that “the Jewish lobby intimidates lots of people” in Washington. As
Gilad Atzmon has observed one of the most notable features of Jewish power is
the ability to stifle any discussion of Jewish power by gentiles.
But
the defenestration by TAC, which I will survive, also contains a certain irony.
The magazine was co-founded in 2002 by Pat Buchanan and the article by him that
effectively launched the publication in the following year was something called
“Whose War?” Buchanan’s initial paragraphs tell the tale:
“The
War Party may have gotten its war. But it has also gotten something it did not
bargain for. Its membership lists and associations have been exposed and its
motives challenged. In a rare moment in U.S. journalism, Tim Russert put this
question directly to Richard Perle: ‘Can you assure American viewers … that
we’re in this situation against Saddam Hussein and his removal for American
security interests? And what would be the link in terms of Israel?’ Suddenly,
the Israeli connection is on the table, and the War Party is not amused.
Finding themselves in an unanticipated firefight, our neoconservative friends
are doing what comes naturally, seeking student deferments from political
combat by claiming the status of a persecuted minority group. People who claim
to be writing the foreign policy of the world superpower, one would think,
would be a little more manly in the schoolyard of politics. Not so. Former Wall
Street Journal editor Max Boot kicked off the campaign. When these
‘Buchananites toss around neoconservative—and cite names like Wolfowitz and
Cohen—it sometimes sounds as if what they really mean is ‘Jewish conservative.’
Yet Boot readily concedes that a passionate attachment to Israel is a ‘key tenet
of neoconservatism.’ He also claims that the National Security Strategy of
President Bush ‘sounds as if it could have come straight out from the pages of
Commentary magazine, the neocon bible.’ (For the uninitiated, Commentary, the
bible in which Boot seeks divine guidance, is the monthly of the American
Jewish Committee.)”
Pat
is right on the money. He was pretty much describing the same group that I have
written about and raising the same concern, i.e. that the process had led to an
unnecessary war and will lead to more unless it is stopped by exposing and
marginalizing those behind it. Pat was, like me, called an anti-Semite and even
worse for his candor. And guess what? The group that started the war that has
since been deemed the greatest foreign policy disaster in American history is
still around and they are singing the same old song.
And
TAC has not always been so sensitive to certain apparently unacceptable
viewpoints, even in my case. I write frequently about Israel because I believe
it and its supporters to be a malign influence on the United States and a
threat to national security. In June 2008, I wrote a piece called “The Spy Who
Loves Us” about Israeli espionage against the U.S. It was featured on the cover
of the magazine and it included a comment about the tribal instincts of some
American Jews: “In 1996, ten years after the agreement that concluded the
[Jonathan] Pollard [Israeli spying] affair, the Pentagon’s Defense
Investigative Service warned defense contractors that Israel had ‘espionage
intentions and capabilities’ here and was aggressively trying to steal military
and intelligence secrets. It also cited a security threat posed by individuals
who have ‘strong ethnic ties’ to Israel, stating that ‘Placing Israeli
nationals in key industries is a technique utilized with great success.’”
Three
days later, another shoe dropped. I was supposed to speak at a panel discussion
critical of Saudi Arabia on October 2nd. The organizer, the Frontiers of
Freedom foundation, emailed me to say my services would no longer be required
because “the conference will not be a success if we get sidetracked into
debating, discussing, or defending the substance of your writings on Israel.”
Last
Saturday morning, Facebook blocked access to my article for a time because it
“contained a banned word.” I can safely assume that such blockages will
continue and that invitations to speak at anti-war or foreign policy events
will be in short supply from now on as fearful organizers avoid any possible
confrontation with Israel’s many friends.
Would
I do something different if I were to write my article again today? Yes. I
would have made clearer that I was not writing about all or most American Jews,
many of whom are active in the peace movement and, like my good friend Jeff
Blankfort and Glenn Greenwald, even figure among the leading critics of Israel.
My target was the individuals and Jewish “establishment” groups I specifically
named, that I consider to be the activists for war. And I refer to them as
“Jews” rather than neoconservatives or Zionists as some of them don’t identify
by those political labels while to blame developments on Zios or neocons is a
bit of an evasion in any event. Writing “neoconservatives” suggests some kind
of fringe or marginal group, but we are actually talking about nearly all major
Jewish organizations and many community leaders.
Many,
possibly even most, Jewish organizations in the United States openly state that
they represent the interests of the state of Israel. The crowd stoking fears of
Iran is largely Jewish and is, without exception, responsive to the frequently
expressed desires of the self-defined Jewish state to have the United States
initiate hostilities. This often means supporting the false claim that Tehran
poses a serious threat against the U.S. as a pretext for armed conflict.
Shouldn’t that “Jewish” reality be on the table for consideration when one is
discussing the issue of war versus peace in America?
When
all is said and done the punishment that has been meted out to me and Valerie
Plame proves my point. The friends of Israel rule by coercion, intimidation and
through fear. If we suffer through a catastrophic war with Iran fought to
placate Benjamin Netanyahu many people might begin to ask “Why?” But
identifying the real cause would involve criticism of what some American Jews
have been doing, which is not only fraught with consequences, but is something
that also will possibly become illegal thanks to Congressional attempts to
criminalize such activity. We Americans will stand by mutely as we begin to
wonder what has happened to our country. And some who are more perceptive will
even begin to ask why a tiny client state has been allowed to manipulate and
bring ruin on the world’s only super power. Unfortunately, at that point, it
will be too late to do anything about it.
Philip
Giraldi is a former counter-terrorism specialist and military intelligence
officer of the United States Central Intelligence Agency.
This article was originally published in the Unz Review.
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