JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters
JFK and the Unspeakable:
Why He Died and Why It Matters
This article was first
published by Global research in November 2009.
Despite a treasure-trove of
new information having emerged over the last forty-six years, there are many
people who still think who killed President John Fitzgerald Kennedy and why are
unanswerable questions. There are others who cling to the Lee Harvey Oswald
“lone-nut” explanation proffered by the Warren Commission. Both groups agree,
however, that whatever the truth, it has no contemporary relevance but is
old-hat, history, stuff for conspiracy-obsessed people with nothing better to
do. The general thinking is that the assassination occurred almost a
half-century ago, so let’s move on.
Nothing could be further
from the truth, as James Douglass shows in his extraordinary book, JFK andthe Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters (Simon & Schuster,2008). It is clearly one of the best books ever written on the Kennedy
assassination and deserves a vast readership. It is bound to roil the waters of
complacency that have submerged the truth of this key event in modern American
history.
It’s not often that the
intersection of history and contemporary events pose such a startling and
chilling lesson as does the contemplation of the murder of JFK on November 22,
1963 juxtaposed with the situations faced by President Obama today. So far, at
least, Obama’s behavior has mirrored Johnson’s, not Kennedy’s, as he has
escalated the war in Afghanistan by 34,000. One can’t but help think that the
thought of JFK’s fate might not be far from his mind as he contemplates his
next move in Afghanistan.
Douglass presents a very
compelling argument that Kennedy was killed by “unspeakable” (the Trappist monk
Thomas Merton’s term) forces within the U.S. national security state because of
his conversion from a cold warrior into a man of peace. He argues, using a
wealth of newly uncovered information, that JFK had become a major threat to
the burgeoning military-industrial complex and had to be eliminated through a
conspiracy planned by the CIA – “the CIA’s fingerprints are all over the crime
and the events leading up to it” – not by a crazed individual, the Mafia, or
disgruntled anti-Castro Cubans, though some of these may have been used in the
execution of the plot.
Why and by whom? These are
the key questions. If it can be shown that Kennedy did, in fact, turn
emphatically away from war as a solution to political conflict; did, in fact,
as he was being urged by his military and intelligence advisers to up the ante
and use violence, rejected such advice and turned toward peaceful solutions,
then, a motive for his elimination is established. If, furthermore, it can be
clearly shown that Oswald was a dupe in a deadly game and that forces within
the military/intelligence apparatus were involved with him from start to
finish, then the crime is solved, not by fingering an individual who may have
given the order for the murder or pulled the trigger, but by showing that the
coordination of the assassination had to involve U.S. intelligence agencies,
most notably the CIA . Douglass does both, providing highly detailed and
intricately linked evidence based on his own research and a vast array of the
best scholarship.
We are then faced with the
contemporary relevance, and since we know that every president since JFK has
refused to confront the growth of the national security state and its call for
violence, one can logically assume a message was sent and heeded. In this
regard, it is not incidental that former twenty-seven year CIA analyst Raymond
McGovern, in a recent interview, warned of the “two CIAs,” one the analytic arm
providing straight scoop to presidents, the other the covert action arm which
operates according to its own rules. “Let me leave you with this thought,” he
told his interviewer, “and that is that I think Panetta (current CIA Director),
and to a degree Obama, are afraid – I never thought I’d hear myself saying this
– I think they are afraid of the CIA.” He then recommended Douglass’ book,
“It’s very well-researched and his conclusion is very alarming.” [1]
Let’s look at the history
marshaled by Douglass to support his thesis.
First, Kennedy, who took
office in January 1961 as somewhat of a Cold Warrior, was quickly set up by the
CIA to take the blame for the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in April 1961. The
CIA and generals wanted to oust Castro, and in pursuit of that goal, trained a
force of Cuban exiles to invade Cuba. Kennedy refused to go along and the
invasion was roundly defeated. The CIA, military, and Cuban exiles bitterly
blamed Kennedy. But it was all a sham.
Though Douglass doesn’t
mention it, and few Americans know it, classified documents uncovered in 2000
revealed that the CIA had discovered that the Soviets had learned of the date
of the invasion more than a week in advance, had informed Castro, but – and
here is a startling fact that should make people’s hair stand on end – never
told the President. [2] The CIA knew the invasion was doomed before the fact
but went ahead with it anyway. Why? So they could and did afterwards blame JFK
for the failure.
This treachery set the
stage for events to come. For his part, sensing but not knowing the full extent
of the set-up, Kennedy fired CIA Director Allen Dulles (as in a bad joke, later
to be named to the Warren Commission) and his assistant General Charles Cabell
(whose brother Earle Cabell, to make a bad joke absurd, was the mayor of Dallas
on the day Kennedy was killed) and said he wanted “to splinter the CIA in a
thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.” Not the sentiments to endear him
to a secretive government within a government whose power was growing
exponentially.
The stage was now set for
events to follow as JFK, in opposition to nearly all his advisers, consistently
opposed the use of force in U.S. foreign policy.
In 1961, despite the Joint
Chief’s demand to put troops into Laos, Kennedy bluntly insisted otherwise as
he ordered Averell Harriman, his representative at the Geneva Conference, “Did
you understand? I want a negotiated settlement in Laos. I don’t want to put
troops in.”
Also in 1961, he refused to
concede to the insistence of his top generals to give them permission to use
nuclear weapons in Berlin and Southeast Asia. Walking out of a meeting with top
military advisors, Kennedy threw his hands in the air and said, “These people
are crazy.”
He refused to bomb and
invade Cuba as the military wished during the Cuban missile crisis in 1962.
Afterwards he told his friend John Kenneth Galbraith that “I never had the
slightest intention of doing so.”
Then in June 1963 he gave
an incredible speech at American University in which he called for the total
abolishment of nuclear weapons, the end of the Cold War and the “Pax Americana
enforced on the world by American weapons of war,” and movement toward “general
and complete disarmament.”
A few months later he
signed a Limited Test Ban Treaty with Nikita Khrushchev.
In October 1963 he signed
National Security Action Memorandum 263 calling for the withdrawal of 1,000 U.
S. military troops from Vietnam by the end of the year and a total withdrawal
by the end of 1965.[3]
All this he did while
secretly engaging in negotiations with Khrushchev via the KGB , Norman Cousins,
and Pope John XXIII , and with Castro through various intermediaries, one of
whom was French Journalist Jean Daniel. In an interview with Daniel on October
24, 1963 Kennedy said, “I approved the proclamation Fidel Castro made in the
Sierra Maestra, when he justifiably called for justice and especially yearned
to rid Cuba of corruption. I will go even further: to some extent it is as
though Batista was the incarnation of a number of sins on the part of the
United States. Now we will have to pay for those sins. In the matter of the
Batista regime, I am in agreement with the first Cuban revolutionaries. That is
perfectly clear.” Such sentiments were anathema, shall we say treasonous, to
the CIA and top generals.
These clear refusals to go
to war and his decision to engage in private, back-channel communications with
Cold War enemies marked Kennedy as an enemy of the national security state.
They were on a collision course. As Douglass and others have pointed out, every
move Kennedy made was anti-war. This, Douglass argues, was because JFK, a war
hero, had been deeply affected by the horror of war and was severely shaken by
how close the world had come to destruction during the Cuban missile crisis.
Throughout his life he had been touched by death and had come to appreciate the
fragility of life. Once in the Presidency, Kennedy underwent a deep metanoia, a
spiritual transformation, from Cold Warrior to peace maker. He came to see the
generals who advised him as devoid of the tragic sense of life and as hell-bent
on war. And he was well aware that his growing resistance to war had put him on
a dangerous collision course with those generals and the CIA. On numerous
occasions he spoke of the possibility of a military coup d’etat against him. On
the night before his trip to Dallas, he told his wife, “But, Jackie, if
somebody wants to shoot me from a window with a rifle, nobody can stop it, so
why worry about it.” And we know that nobody did try to stop it because they
had planned it.
But who killed him?
Douglass presents a
formidable amount of evidence, some old and some new, against the CIA and
covert action agencies within the national security state, and does so in such
a logical and persuasive way that any fair-minded reader cannot help but be
taken aback; stunned, really. And he links this evidence directly to JFK’s
actions on behalf of peace.
He knows, however, that to
truly convince he must break a “conspiracy of silence that would envelop our
government, our media, our academic institutions, and virtually our entire
society from November 22, 1963, to the present.” This “unspeakable,” this
hypnotic “collective denial of the obvious,” is sustained by a mass-media whose
repeated message is that the truth about such significant events is beyond our
grasp, that we will have to drink the waters of uncertainty forever. As for
those who don’t, they are relegated to the status of conspiracy nuts.
Fear and uncertainty block
a true appraisal of the assassination – that plus the thought that it no longer
matters.
It matters. For we know
that no president since JFK has dared to buck the
military-intelligence-industrial complex. We know a Pax Americana has spread
its tentacles across the globe with U.S. military in over 130 countries on 750
plus bases. We know that the amount of blood and money spent on wars and war
preparations has risen astronomically.
There is a great deal we
know and even more that we don’t want to know, or at the very least,
investigate.
If Lee Harvey Oswald was
connected to the intelligence community, the FBI and the CIA, then we can
logically conclude that he was not “a lone-nut” assassin. Douglass marshals a
wealth of evidence to show how from the very start Oswald was moved around the
globe like a pawn in a game, and when the game was done, the pawn was
eliminated in the Dallas police headquarters. As he begins to trace Oswald’s
path, Douglass asks this question: “Why was Lee Harvey Oswald so tolerated and
supported by the government he betrayed?” After serving as a U.S. Marine at the
CIA’s U-2 spy plane operating base in Japan with a Crypto clearance (higher
than top secret but a fact suppressed by the Warren Commission), Oswald left
the Marines and defected to the Soviet Union. After denouncing the U.S.,
working at a Soviet factory in Minsk , and taking a Russian wife – during which
time Gary Powers’ U-2 spy plane is shot down over the Soviet Union – he
returned to the U.S. with a loan from the American Embassy in Moscow, only to
be met at the dock in Hoboken, New Jersey by a man, Spas T. Raikin, a prominent
anti-communist with extensive intelligence connections, recommended by the
State Department. He passed through immigration with no trouble, was not
prosecuted, moved to Fort Worth, Texas where , at the suggestion of the Dallas
CIA Domestic Contacts Service chief, he was met and befriended by George de
Mohrenschildt, an anti-communist Russian, who was a CIA asset. De Mohrenschildt
got him a job four days later at a graphic arts company that worked on maps for
the U.S. Army Map Service related to U-2 spy missions over Cuba. Oswald was
then shepherded around the Dallas area by de Mohrenschildt who, in 1977, on the
day he revealed he had contacted Oswald for the CIA and was to meet with the
House Select Committee on Assasinations’ Gaeton Fonzi, allegedly committed
suicide. Oswald then moved to New Orleans in April 1963 where got a job at the
Reilly Coffee Company owned by CIA-affiliated William Reilly. The Reilly Coffee
Company was located in close vicinity to the FBI, CIA, Secret Service, and
Office of Naval Intelligence offices and a stone’s throw from the office of Guy
Bannister, a former Special Agent in Charge of the FBI’s Chicago Bureau, who worked
as a covert action coordinator for the intelligence services, supplying and
training anti-Castro paramilitaries meant to ensnare Kennedy. Oswald then went
to work with Bannister and the CIA paramilitaries.
During this time up until
the assassination Oswald engaged in all sorts of contradictory activities, one
day portraying himself as pro-Castro, the next day as anti-Castro, many of
these theatrical performances being directed from Bannister’s office. It was as
though Oswald, on the orders of his puppet masters, was enacting multiple and
antithetical roles in order to confound anyone intent on deciphering the
purposes behind his actions and to set him up as a future “assassin.” Douglass
persuasively argues that Oswald “seems to have been working with both the CIA
and FBI,” as a provocateur for the former and an informant for the latter. Jim
and Elsie Wilcott, who worked at the CIA Tokyo Station from 1960-64, in a 1978
interview with the San Francisco Chronicle, said, “It was common knowledge in
the Tokyo CIA station that Oswald worked for the agency.”
When Oswald moved to New
Orleans in April 1963, de Mohrenschildt exited the picture, having asked the
CIA for and been indirectly given a $285,000 contract to do a geological survey
for Haitian dictator “Papa Doc” Duvalier, which he never did , but for which he
was paid. Ruth and Michael Paine then entered the picture on cue. Douglass
illuminatingly traces in their intelligence connections. Ruth later was the
Warren Commission’s chief witness. She had been introduced to Oswald by de
Mohrenschildt. In September 1963 Ruth Paine drove from her sister’s house in
Virginia to New Orleans to pick up Marina Oswald and bring her to her house in
Dallas to live with her. Thirty years after the assassination a document was
declassified showing Paine’s sister Sylvia worked for the CIA. Her father
traveled throughout Latin America on an Agency for International Development
(notorious for CIA front activities) contract and filed reports that went to
the CIA. Her husband Michael’s step-father, Arthur Young, was the inventor of
the Bell helicopter and Michael’s job there gave him a security clearance. Her
mother was related to the Forbes family of Boston and her lifelong friend, Mary
Bancroft, worked as a WW II spy with Allen Dulles and was his mistress.
Afterwards, Dulles questioned the Paines in front of the Warren Commission,
studiously avoiding any revealing questions. Back in Dallas, Ruth Paine
conveniently got Oswald a job in the Texas Book Depository where he began work on
October 16, 1963.
From late September until
November 22, various Oswalds are later reported to have simultaneously been
seen from Dallas to Mexico City. Two Oswalds were arrested in the Texas
Theatre, the real one taken out the front door and an impostor out the back. As
Douglas says, “There were more Oswalds providing evidence against Lee Harvey
Oswald than the Warren Report could use or even explain.” Even J. Edgar Hoover
knew that Oswald impostors were used, as he told LBJ concerning Oswald’s
alleged visit to the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. He later called this CIA
ploy, “the false story re Oswald’s trip to Mexico…their ( CIA’s)
double-dealing,” something that he couldn’t forget. It was apparent that a very
intricate and deadly game was being played out at high levels in the shadows.
We know Oswald was blamed
for the President’s murder. But if one fairly follows the trail of the crime it
becomes blatantly obvious that government forces were at work. Douglass adds
layer upon layer of evidence to show how this had to be so. Oswald, the mafia,
anti-Castro Cubans could not have withdrawn most of the security that day. The
Sheriff Bill Decker withdrew all police protection. The Secret Service withdrew
the police motorcycle escorts from beside the president’s car where they had
been the day before in Houston; took agents off the back of the car where they
were normally stationed to obstruct gunfire. They approved the fateful, dogleg
turn (on a dry run on November 18) where the car came, almost to a halt, a clear
security violation. The House Select Committee on Assasinations concluded this,
not some conspiracy nut.
Who could have squelched
the testimony of all the doctors and medical personnel who claimed the
president had been shot from the front in his neck and head, testimony
contradicting the official story? Who could have prosecuted and imprisoned
Abraham Bolden, the first African-American Secret Service agent personally
brought on to the White House detail by JFK, who warned that he feared the
president was going to be assassinated? (Douglass interviewed Bolden seven
times and his evidence on the aborted plot to kill JFK in Chicago on November 2
– a story little known but extraordinary in its implications – is riveting.)
The list of all the people who turned up dead, the evidence and events
manipulated, the inquiry squelched, distorted, and twisted in an ex post facto
cover-up – clearly point to forces within the government, not rogue actors
without institutional support.
The evidence for a
conspiracy organized at the deepest levels of the intelligence apparatus is
overwhelming. James Douglass presents it in such depth and so logically that
only one hardened to the truth would not be deeply moved and affected by his
book.
He says it best: “The
extent to which our national security state was systematically marshaled for
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy remains incomprehensible to us.
When we live in a system, we absorb and think in a system. We lack the
independence needed to judge the system around us. Yet the evidence we have
seen points toward our national security state, the systemic bubble in which we
all live, as the source of Kennedy’s murder and immediate cover-up.”
Speaking to his friends
Dave Powers and Ken O’Donnell about those who planned the Bay of Pigs invasion
of Cuba, JFK said, “They couldn’t believe that a new president like me wouldn’t
panic and try to save his own face. Well, they had me figured all wrong.”
Let’s hope for another
president like that, but one that meets a different end.
[2] Vernon Loeb, “Soviets
Knew Date of Cuba Attack,” Washington Post, April 29, 2000
[3] See James K. Galbraith,
“Exit Strategy,” Boston Review, October/November 2003
Edward Curtin teaches
sociology at Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts