Who Is Interferring in Our Elections: Russia or
Israel?
Who Is Interferring in Our
Elections: Russia or Israel?
Should AIPAC Register as a
Foreign Agent?
Pro-Israel organization should not get a pass.
By Philip Giraldi
Philip Giraldi, a former CIA officer, is executive
director of the Council for the National Interest.
July 29, 2017 "Information Clearing House"
- Last week the Senate Judiciary Committee postponed a meeting
ostensibly convened to discuss the failure to enforce the Foreign Agents
Registration Act of 1938 (FARA). Originally rescheduled for this week, the
postponed meeting would have featured Donald Trump Jr. and former Trump
campaign manager Paul Manafort testifying about their controversial Trump
Tower meeting, but their subpoenas were canceled
at the last minute after they arranged to turn over documents. The
June 2016 meeting under investigation included Russian lawyer Natalia
Veselnitskaya, lobbyist Rinat Akhmetshin, publicist Rob Goldstone, businessman
Ike Kaveladze, and translator Anatoli Samochornov. Trump son-in-law Jared
Kushner was also in attendance, apparently only briefly.
The Judiciary Committee
hearing was originally set up to look at the possible Russian links of former
journalist and head of the research firm Fusion GPS Glenn Simpson, who was
behind the infamous Trump dossier that appeared in January. Yet in reality it
is part of the broader effort to determine whether Moscow interfered in the
2016 election on behalf of the Donald Trump campaign.
FARA was created in the
lead up to World War II to help monitor the activity of Italian, German and
Japanese agent-lobbyists who were believed to be working hard in the U.S. to
influence opinion as well as congressional votes in favor of their respective
sponsoring nations. The intention was to force the “foreign agents” to register
with the Department of the Treasury so they would have to identify their
government sponsors and be required to reveal their sources of income.
FARA is not very rigorously
enforced, which was one of the points that the Judiciary Committee was prepared
to address in regards to Russia, but there can be consequences for those who
ignore it. Former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn was recently
compelled to
register as an agent of Turkey after he received $530,000 in payments
to support Ankara’s view regarding those it believed to be behind last year’s
coup.
Ironically, the most
powerful and effective foreign-government lobby in Washington is so dominant
that it has been able to avoid registering for the past 55 years. The American
Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) was last confronted by FARA when its
predecessor organization the American Zionist Council was pressured by
John F. Kennedy’s Justice Department in 1962 and 1963. Kennedy’s death stopped
that effort—and ended White House attempts to hold Israel accountable for the
development of its secret nuclear weapons program (which depended on nuclear
material removed illegally from the United States with the connivance of a
company located in Pennsylvania called NUMEC).
AIPAC’s website declares
that it is “America’s Pro-Israel Lobby,” so by its own admission it functions
pretty clearly as Israel’s proxy. It spent $102
million in 2015, had 396
employees in 2013, and claims to have 100,000 members, many of whom
are organized into state and city chapters. It also benefits from being a tax
exempt 501(c)4 organization classified as promoting “international
understanding.” Its annual Summit in Washington attracts more than 15,000
participants, including scores of congressmen and other senior government
officials. It blankets Capitol Hill with its lobbyists and is a prolific source
of position papers explaining Israel’s perception of what is taking place in
the Middle East. Its easy access to the media and also to politicians in
Washington is so widely accepted on Capitol Hill that it reportedly frequently
drafts bills that Congress then goes on to propose.
No Washington lobby is
benign. Lobbies exist to subvert the public interest. They promote particular agendas
and are not intended to enhance the general well-being of the American public.
Lobbyists would argue that they are in the information business, that they make
lawmakers aware of facts that impact on pending legislation, but the reality is
that every lobby is nevertheless driven by self-interest.
The power of the Israel
Lobby and of AIPAC is not cost free for the American public. The current $3
billion plus that Israel, with a thriving first world economy, receives in
military assistance is on top of the $130 billion that it
has received since 1949. Protecting Israel in international
organizations like the United Nations has sometimes marginalized the U.S. in
such bodies and the lobby’s influence over American foreign policy has often
been noted. In 2010 General David Petraeus stated
that Israeli policies were putting American military personnel in the
Middle East in danger. He quickly recanted, however.
Once upon a time AIPAC’s
Steven Rosen boasted to
an interviewer, “You see this napkin? In twenty-four hours, we could have the
signatures of seventy senators on this napkin.” He meant that congressmen would
sign on to anything if they thought it would please Israel. Recently the U.S.
Congress has been working on bills that would criminalize individuals or groups
that support a boycott of Israel. It would not be the first such legislation.
The 2015 omnibus trade agreement with Europe included
an amendment mandating that nations engaging in anti-Israel boycotts,
to include “Israeli controlled territories,” should be subject to retaliatory
action by the U.S.
There are currently two
bills constituting the Israel Anti-Boycott Act of 2017 (S.720 and H.R. 1697)
being considered by the Senate and House that outdo any previous deference to
Israeli interests. The Senate bill was
introduced by Senator Ben Cardin, who also
had a hand in the trade-legislation amendments protecting Israel.
According to the Jewish Telegraph Agency, the bill was drafted with the
assistance of AIPAC. The legislation, which would almost certainly be
overturned as unconstitutional if it ever does in fact become law, is
particularly dangerous, and goes well beyond any previous pro-Israeli
legislation, essentially denying free speech when the subject is Israel.
The two versions of the
bill that are moving through Congress have 238 sponsors and cosponsors in the
House and 46 in the Senate. If you do your math, you will realize that those
numbers already constitute a majority in the House and are only five short of
one in the Senate, so passage of the bills is virtually assured. The bill’s
sponsors include many congressmen who have in the past frequently spoken out in
defense of free speech, with Senator Ted Cruz having
said in 2014, for example, that “The First Amendment was enacted to
protect unreasonable speech. I, for one, certainly don’t want our speech
limited to speech that elected politicians in Washington think is reasonable.”
The movement that is
particularly targeted by the bills is referred to as BDS, or Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions. It is a non-violen t reaction to the Israeli
military occupation of Palestinian land on the West Bank and the continued
building of Jewish-only settlements. BDS has been targeted both by the Israeli
government and by AIPAC. The AIPAC website, which describes the group’s lobbying
agenda, includes the promotion of the Israel Anti-Boycott Act as a top
priority.
The Israeli government and
its American supporters particularly fear BDS because it has become quite
popular, particularly on university campuses, where administrative steps have
frequently been taken to suppress it. The denial of free speech on campus when
it relates to Israel has sometimes been
referred to as the “Palestinian exception.” Nevertheless, the message
continues to resonate, due both to its non-violence its and human rights
appeal. It challenges Israel’s arbitrary military rule over 3 million
Palestinians on the West Bank who have onerous restrictions placed on nearly
every aspect of their daily lives. And its underlying message is that Israel is
a rogue state engaging in actions that are widely considered to be both illegal
and immoral, which the Israeli government rightly sees as potentially
delegitimizing.
Twenty-one state
legislatures have already passed various laws confronting BDS, in many cases
initiating economic penalties on organizations that boycott Israel or denying
state funds to colleges and universities that allow BDS advocates to operate
freely on campus. The pending federal legislation would go one step further by criminalizing
any U.S. citizen “engaged in interstate or foreign commerce” who
supports a boycott of Israel or who even goes about “requesting the
furnishing of information” regarding it, with penalties enforced through
amendments of two existing laws, the Export Administration Act of 1979 and the
Export-Import Act of 1945, that include potential fines of between $250,000 and
$1 million and up to 20 years in prison.
Interestingly, a number of
churches, to include the Presbyterians, Mennonites, and United Church of
Christ, have divested from companies participating in the occupation of the
West Bank and could be subject to the punitive steps authorized by the
legislation. And it also is interesting to note that the bills would not punish
anyone who does not have a business relationship with Israel for reasons other
than politics. The punishment comes solely when one states that he or she is
not engaging in business with Israel due to objections regarding what Israel is
doing to the Palestinians.
Daniel Larison has
observed that even if one assumes that the legislation will face
judicial hurdles and will never be enacted, it is nevertheless discouraging to
consider that a clear majority of congressmen thinks it is perfectly acceptable
to deny all Americans the right to free political expression in order to defend
an internationally-acknowledged illegal occupation being carried out by a
foreign country. That the occupation is illegal has even been acknowledged
repeatedly by Washington, which contradicts its own policy with this
legislation.
Those co-sponsoring the
bills include Democrats, Republicans, progressives, and conservatives.
Deference to Israeli interests is bipartisan and crosses ideological lines.
Glenn Greenwald and Ryan Grim, writing at The Intercept, observe
that “…the very mention of the word ‘Israel’ causes most members of
both parties to quickly snap into line in a show of unanimity that would make
the regime of North Korea blush with envy.”
Finally, the seemingly
unrelenting pressure to make criticism of Israel illegal is particularly
dangerous as it is international. Indeed, it is a global phenomenon. Wherever
one goes—Western Europe, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United
States—there is a well-organized and funded lobby ready, willing, and able to
go to war to protect Israel. In France it
is illegal to wear a t-shirt supporting BDS or to demonstrate in favor
of it. Britain has introduced laws that
include defining criticism of Israel as anti-Semitism. In Canada,
support of BDS has
been regarded as a hate crime.
Will FARA registration of
AIPAC as a foreign lobby fix all that? Of course not, but it would be a good
first step. AIPAC would have to publicly acknowledge that it is acting on
behalf of a foreign government and its sources of income would be subject to
review. While the Congress is busy searching for Russian agents under FARA it
just might spend some time also examining the pernicious influence of the
unregistered and unrestrained Israel Lobby.
Philip Giraldi, a former CIA officer, is executive
director of the Council for the National Interest.
The views expressed in this article are solely those
of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of Information
Clearing House.
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