American Pravda: How the CIA Invented "Conspiracy Theories"
• SEPTEMBER 5, 2016
• 2,500 WORDS
A year or two ago, I saw the much-touted science fiction film Interstellar,
and although the plot wasn’t any good, one early scene was quite amusing. For
various reasons, the American government of the future claimed that our Moon
Landings of the late 1960s had been faked, a trick aimed at winning the Cold
War by bankrupting Russia into fruitless space efforts of its own. This
inversion of historical reality was accepted as true by nearly everyone, and
those few people who claimed that Neil Armstrong had indeed set foot on the
Moon were universally ridiculed as “crazy conspiracy theorists.” This seems a
realistic portrayal of human nature to me.
Obviously, a large fraction of everything described by our government
leaders or presented in the pages of our most respectable newspapers—from the
9/11 attacks to the most insignificant local case of petty urban corruption—could
objectively be categorized as a “conspiracy theory” but such words are never
applied. Instead, use of that highly loaded phrase is reserved for those
theories, whether plausible or fanciful, that do not possess the endorsement
stamp of establishmentarian approval.
Put another way, there are good “conspiracy theories” and bad
“conspiracy theories,” with the former being the ones promoted by pundits on
mainstream television shows and hence never described as such. I’ve sometimes
joked with people that if ownership and control of our television stations and
other major media outlets suddenly changed, the new information regime would
require only a few weeks of concerted effort to totally invert all of our most
famous “conspiracy theories” in the minds of the gullible American public. The
notion that nineteen Arabs armed with box-cutters hijacked several jetliners,
easily evaded our NORAD air defenses, and reduced several landmark buildings to
rubble would soon be universally ridiculed as the most preposterous “conspiracy
theory” ever to have gone straight from the comic books into the minds of the
mentally ill, easily surpassing the absurd “lone gunman” theory of the JFK
assassination.
Even without such changes in media control, huge shifts in American
public beliefs have frequently occurred in the recent past, merely on the basis
of implied association. In the initial weeks and months following the 2001
attacks, every American media organ was enlisted to denounce and vilify Osama
Bin Laden, the purported Islamicist master-mind, as our greatest national
enemy, with his bearded visage endlessly appearing on television and in print,
soon becoming one of the most recognizable faces in the world. But as the Bush
Administration and its key media allies prepared a war against Iraq, the images
of the Burning Towers were instead regularly juxtaposed with mustachioed photos
of dictator Saddam Hussein, Bin Laden’s arch-enemy. As a consequence, by the
time we attacked Iraq in 2003, polls revealed that some 70% of the American public believed
that Saddam was personally involved in the destruction of our World Trade
Center. By that date I don’t doubt that many millions of patriotic but
low-information Americans would have angrily denounced and vilified as a “crazy
conspiracy theorist” anyone with the temerity to suggest that Saddam hadnot been
behind 9/11, despite almost no one in authority having ever explicitly made
such a fallacious claim.
These factors of media manipulation were very much in my mind a
couple of years ago when I stumbled across a short but fascinating book
published by the University of Texas academic press. The author of Conspiracy Theory in America was
Prof. Lance deHaven-Smith, a former president of the Florida Political Science
Association.
Based on an important FOIA disclosure, the book’s headline revelation
was that the CIA was very likely responsible for the widespread introduction of
“conspiracy theory” as a term of political abuse, having orchestrated that
development as a deliberate means of influencing public opinion.
During the mid-1960s there had been increasing public skepticism about
the Warren Commission findings that a lone gunman, Lee Harvey Oswald, had been
solely responsible for President Kennedy’s assassination, and growing
suspicions that top-ranking American leaders had also been involved. So as a
means of damage control, the CIA distributed a secret memo to all its field
offices requesting that they enlist their media assets in efforts to ridicule
and attack such critics as irrational supporters of “conspiracy theories.” Soon
afterward, there suddenly appeared statements in the media making those exact
points, with some of the wording, arguments, and patterns of usage closely
matching those CIA guidelines. The result was a huge spike in the pejorative
use of the phrase, which spread throughout the American media, with the
residual impact continueing right down to the present day. Thus, there is
considerable evidence in support of this particular “conspiracy theory”
explaining the widespread appearance of attacks on “conspiracy theories” in the
public media.
But although the CIA appears to have effectively manipulated public
opinion in order to transform the phrase “conspiracy theory” into a powerful
weapon of ideological combat, the author also describes how the necessary
philosophical ground had actually been prepared a couple of decades earlier.
Around the time of the Second World War, an important shift in political theory
caused a huge decline in the respectability of any “conspiratorial” explanation
of historical events.
For decades prior to that conflict, one of our most prominent scholars and public
intellectuals had been historian Charles Beard,
whose influential writings had heavily focused on the harmful role of various
elite conspiracies in shaping American policy for the benefit of the few at the
expense of the many, with his examples ranging from the earliest history of the
United States down to the nation’s entry into WWI. Obviously, researchers never
claimed that all major historical events had hidden causes, but it was widely
accepted that some of them did, and attempting to investigate those
possibilities was deemed a perfectly acceptable academic enterprise.
However, Beard was a strong opponent of American entry into the Second
World War, and he was marginalized in the years that followed, even prior to
his death in 1948. Many younger public intellectuals of a similar bent also
suffered the same fate, or were even purged from respectability and denied any
access to the mainstream media. At the same time, the totally contrary
perspectives of two European political philosophers, Karl Popper and Leo Strauss,
gradually gained ascendancy in American intellectual circles, and their ideas
became dominant in public life.
Popper, the more widely influential, presented broad, largely
theoretical objections to the very possibility of important conspiracies ever
existing, suggesting that these would be implausibly difficult to implement
given the fallibility of human agents; what might appear a conspiracy actually
amounted to individual actors pursuing their narrow aims. Even more
importantly, he regarded “conspiratorial beliefs” as an extremely dangerous
social malady, a major contributing factor to the rise of Nazism and other
deadly totalitarian ideologies. His own background as an individual of Jewish
ancestry who had fled Austria in 1937 surely contributed to the depth of his
feelings on these philosophical matters.
Meanwhile, Strauss, a founding figure in modern neo-conservative
thought, was equally harsh in his attacks upon conspiracy analysis, but for
polar-opposite reasons. In his mind, elite conspiracies were absolutely
necessary and beneficial, a crucial social defense against anarchy or
totalitarianism, but their effectiveness obviously depended upon keeping them
hidden from the prying eyes of the ignorant masses. His main problem with
“conspiracy theories” was not that they were always false, but they might often
be true, and therefore their spread was potentially disruptive to the smooth
functioning of society. So as a matter of self-defense, elites needed to actively
suppress or otherwise undercut the unauthorized investigation of suspected
conspiracies.
Even for most educated Americans, theorists such as Beard, Popper, and
Strauss are probably no more than vague names mentioned in textbooks, and that
was certainly true in my own case. But while the influence of Beard seems to
have largely disappeared in elite circles, the same is hardly true of his
rivals. Popper probably ranks as one of the founders of modern liberal thought,
with an individual as politically influential as left-liberal financier George Soros claiming to be his
intellectual disciple. Meanwhile, the neo-conservative thinkers who
have totally dominated the Republican Party and the Conservative Movement for
the last couple of decades often proudly trace their ideas back to Strauss.
So, through a mixture of Popperian and Straussian thinking, the
traditional American tendency to regard elite conspiracies as a real but
harmful aspect of our society was gradually stigmatized as either paranoid or
politically dangerous, laying the conditions for its exclusion from respectable
discourse.
By 1964, this intellectual revolution had largely been completed, as
indicated by the overwhelmingly positive reaction to the famous article by
political scientist Richard Hofstadter critiquing the so-called “paranoid style” in
American politics, which he denounced as the
underlying cause of widespread popular belief in implausible conspiracy
theories. To a considerable extent, he seemed to be attacking straw men,
recounting and ridiculing the most outlandish conspiratorial beliefs, while
seeming to ignore the ones that had been proven correct. For example, he
described how some of the more hysterical anti-Communists claimed that tens of
thousands of Red Chinese troops were hidden in Mexico, preparing an attack on
San Diego, while he failed to even acknowledge that for years Communist spies
had indeed served near the very top of the U.S. government. Not even the most
conspiratorially minded individual suggests that all conspiracies are true,
merely that some of them might be.
Most of these shifts in public sentiment occurred before I was born or
when I was a very young child, and my own views were shaped by the rather
conventional media narratives that I absorbed. Hence, for nearly my entire
life, I always automatically dismissed all of the so-called “conspiracy
theories” as ridiculous, never once even considering that any of them might
possibly be true.
To the extent that I ever thought about the matter, my reasoning was
simple and based on what seemed like good, solid common sense. Any conspiracy
responsible for some important public event must surely have many separate
“moving parts” to it, whether actors or actions taken, let us say numbering at
least 100 or more. Now given the imperfect nature of all attempts at
concealment, it would surely be impossible for all of these to be kept entirely
hidden. So even if a conspiracy were initially 95% successful in remaining
undetected, five major clues would still be left in plain sight for
investigators to find. And once the buzzing cloud of journalists noticed these,
such blatant evidence of conspiracy would certainly attract an additional swarm
of energetic investigators, tracing those items back to their origins, with
more pieces gradually being uncovered until the entire cover-up likely
collapsed. Even if not all the crucial facts were ever determined, at least the
simple conclusion that there had indeed been some sort of conspiracy would
quickly become established.
However, there was a tacit assumption in my reasoning, one that I have
since decided was entirely false. Obviously, many potential conspiracies either
involve powerful governmental officials or situations in which their disclosure
would represent a source of considerable embarrassment to such individuals. But
I had always assumed that even if government failed in its investigatory role,
the dedicated bloodhounds of the Fourth Estate would invariably come through,
tirelessly seeking truth, ratings, and Pulitzers. However, once I gradually
began realizing that the media was merely “Our American Pravda” and
perhaps had been so for decades, I suddenly recognized the flaw in my logic. If
those five—or ten or twenty or fifty—initial clues were simply ignored by the
media, whether through laziness, incompetence, or much less venal sins, then
there would be absolutely nothing to prevent successful conspiracies from
taking place and remaining undetected, perhaps even the most blatant and
careless ones.
In fact, I would extend this notion to a general principle. Substantial
control of the media is almost always an absolute prerequisite for any
successful conspiracy, the greater the degree of control the better. So when
weighing the plausibility of any conspiracy, the first matter to investigate is
who controls the local media and to what extent.
Let us consider a simple thought-experiment. For various reasons these
days, the entire American media is extraordinarily hostile to Russia, certainly
much more so than it ever was toward the Communist Soviet Union during the
1970s and 1980s. Hence I would argue that the likelihood of any large-scale
Russian conspiracy taking place within the operative zone of those media organs
is virtually nil. Indeed, we are constantly bombarded with stories of alleged
Russian conspiracies that appear to be “false positives,” dire allegations
seemingly having little factual basis or actually being totally ridiculous. Meanwhile,
even the crudest sort of anti-Russian conspiracy might easily occur
without receiving any serious mainstream media notice or investigation.
This argument may be more than purely hypothetical. A crucial turning
point in America’s renewed Cold War against Russia was the passage of the 2012
Magnitsky Act by Congress, punitively targeting various supposedly corrupt
Russian officials for their alleged involvement in the illegal persecution and
death of an employee of Bill Browder, an American hedge-fund manager with large
Russian holdings. However, there’s actually quite a bit of evidence that
it was Browder himself who was actually the mastermind and beneficiary of the
gigantic corruption scheme, while his employee was planning to testify against
him and was therefore fearful of his life for that reason. Naturally, the
American media has provided scarcely a single mention of these remarkable
revelations regarding what might amount to a gigantic Magnitsky Hoax of
geopolitical significance.
To some extent the creation of the Internet and the vast proliferation
of alternative media outlets, including my own small webzine,
have somewhat altered this depressing picture. So it is hardly surprising that
a very substantial fraction of the discussion dominating these Samizdat-like
publications concerns exactly those subjects regularly condemned as “crazy
conspiracy theories” by our mainstream media organs. Such unfiltered
speculation must surely be a source of considerable irritation and worry to
government officials who have long relied upon the complicity of their tame
media organs to allow their serious misdeeds to pass unnoticed and unpunished.
Indeed, several years ago a senior Obama Administration official argued
that the free discussion of various “conspiracy theories” on the Internet was
so potentially harmful that government agents should be recruited to
“cognitively infiltrate” and disrupt them, essentially proposing a high-tech
version of the highly controversial Cointelpro operations
undertaken by J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI.
Until just a few years ago I’d scarcely even heard of Charles Beard, once ranked among the towering figures of 20th
century American intellectual life.
But the more I’ve discovered the number of serious crimes and disasters that
have completely escaped substantial media scrutiny, the more I wonder what
other matters may still remain hidden. So perhaps Beard was correct all along
in recognizing the respectability of “conspiracy theories,” and we should
return to his traditional American way of thinking, notwithstanding endless
conspiratorial propaganda campaigns by the CIA and others to persuade us that
we should dismiss such notions without any serious consideration.
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