http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/05/11/the-dangers-of-free-trade-agreements-ttips-threat-to-europes-elderly/
MAY 11, 2016
The most obvious approach to look at how European care
for the elderly will evolve is to project technological trends and the costs of
people living longer as diagnostic equipment, drug treatments and other medical
science continues to improve. This kind of projection shows a rising cost to
society of pensions and health care, because a rising proportion of the aging
population is retiring. How will economies pay for it?
I want to point to some special problems that are
looming on the political front. I assume that the reason you have invited me
from America is that my country has been doing just about everything wrong in
its health care. Its experience may provide an object lesson for what Europe
should avoid (and indeed, has avoided up to this point).
For starters, privatization is much more expensive
than European-style Single Payer public health care. Monopoly prices also are
higher. And of course, fraud is a problem.
America’s Obamacare and health insurance laws have
been written by political lobbyists for special interests. So has the TTIP:
Transatlantische Handelsabwollen. Since George W. Bush, the U.S. Government has
been prohibited from bargaining for low bulk prices from the pharmaceutical
companies. Most Americans think that Health Management Organizations (HMOs) are
rife with corruption and billing fraud. The insurance sector has made a killing
by spending a great deal of money on bureaucratic techniques to reject patients
who seem likely to require expensive health care. Doctors need to hire specialists
working full time just to fill out the paperwork. Error is constant, and any
visit to the doctor, even for a simple annual checkup, requires many hours by
most patients on the phone with their insurance company to correct
over-billing.
The dream of U.S. “free market” lobbyists to shift the
costs of health care onto its users instead of as a public program. According
to current plans backed both by the Republicans and by much of the Democratic
Party leadership, these user costs ideally would be paid bypre-saving in
special “health savings” accounts, to be managed by Wall Street banks as a kind
of mutual fund (with all the financial risks this entails – the same kind of
risks that are troubling most U.S. pension funds today).
The reason why the U.S. discussion of health care for
the elderly is so relevant for Europeans is that the Transatlantic Trade and
Investment Partnership (TTIP) that President Barack Obama pushed on German
Chancellor Angela Merkel two weeks ago. It poses a far-reaching threat to European
policies.
The agreement has been drawn up in secret, and has
only been available to Congressmen in a special room as a read-only copy. Not
even Congressional staff have been permitted to see the details. The reason is
that the terms of the TTIP are so awful that it could never be approved by voters. That is why the lobbyists for banks,
insurance companies, drug companies, oil and gas companies and other special
interests that wrote the law are trying to bypass democratic government and
going directly to Brussels – and in the United States to the Executive Branch
of government.
The aim of the TTIP is to replace the application of
national laws with special courts of referees nominated by the special
interests. This includes the organization of health care. Last week Britain’s
main labor union, Unite, warned that the TTIP would mean that the National
Health Service would have to be wound down and privatized.[1] Although “Austria, Germany, Greece and Italy do
have explicit reservations in the TTIP text to protect existing rules relating
to healthcare,” the privatization lobbyist strategy is to have the treaty
“provisionally applied” to force matters, by backing compliant politicians.
Objections will be sidestepped as the “provisional’ law becomes a fait
accompli.
I think that the best perspective that I can give you
is to discuss how the various interest groups are working to shape political
decisions regarding the public and private role of health care. This is an area
I have been involved with for forty years. In 1976, I contributed the economic
section for two reports by The Futures Group in Glastonbury, Connecticut for
the National Science Foundation analyzing the economic and financial
consequences of life‑extending technology: When We Live Longer: Prospects
for America (with Herb Gurjuoy et al., 1977) and A Technology
Assessment of Life-Extending Technologies (Vol. 5: Demography, Economics
and Aging, 1977). I believe these were the first reports to pinpoint the
implications for the Social Security system of an aging population and its
inter-generational financial tensions.
American politicians and economic futurists were
concerned with the effect on public health budgets of a rising proportion of
the population able to live out the maximum present human lifespan of 125 years
(called “squaring” the life expectancy curve). What is the best public response
to what should be a dream being realized? More to the point, how should
governments cope with special interests seeking merely to profiteer from such
breakthroughs – and use their promise in an extortionate manner?
Every interest group has its own perspective. Most
politicians in the United States are lawyers, and they worried that the Social
Security, pension and health care contracts were a legal right that could not
be broken or modified. President Eisenhower had called Social Security the
“third rail” of American politics – meaning that any politician or party that
sought to downgrade its promises would quickly be voted out of office.
It was obvious that a population living longer would
receive more Social Security and pension payments, and that a rising proportion
of national income would be spent on their health care. Some of the politicians
I talked to were so pessimistic about the costs involved that one said that he
was sorry that kidney dialysis procedures had been invented, because with so
many people having kidney problems, it would cost a fortune to provide this
service to everyone who medically needed it.
Some politicians sought ways to not to fund expensive
medical technologies – on the ground that if these were developed,
the government might have an obligation to supply the most expensive
technologies (especially dialysis and organ transplants) to the population at
large. The costs of doing this would absorb nearly all the economic growth.
One set of futures envisioned that the more costly
medical treatments might become available only on islands – in the Caribbean,
for instance. After all, did not Hippocrates practice on the island of Cos?
As forecast decades ago, health care is the most
sharply rising cost in the United States. What none of us were cynical enough
to forecast was the corrupt role played by special interests in maximizing the
costs by treating each element of health care as a profit center – indeed, as
an opportunity to extract monopoly rent.
Privatization of health insurance under Obamacare has
been a bonanza for the financial sector and the insurance industry. Initially a
Republican “free market” proposal, it required the Democratic Party in power to
disable popular pressure for “Medicare for all” in the form of single payer
public health care. No discussion within Congress was even permitted to favor
public health care. (I was economic advisor to Presidential candidate Dennis
Kucinich, whom the Democratic Party leadership blocked from even discussing a
public option in the Congressional debate.)
The enormous power of lobbyists from the
pharmaceutical industry bought the loyalty of politicians who blocked
anti-trust laws from being applied against the drug companies. As I noted
earlier, these lobbyists even succeeded in blocking the government from
negotiating directly with the drug companies over prices.
I mention these points because the U.S. solution
should serve as an object lesson for what European and other countries should
avoid in managing their care for the elderly. This is especially important to
Europe, because its neoliberal policies favoring the financial sector imply a
slow economic crash squeezing household and employer budgets. Five concerns are
paramount.
Triage: restricting the most expensive health care
only to the wealthy
Lower incomes lead to shorter lifespans as a result of
worse health, and also suicides. Marriage and birth rates also are lower as
economies polarize and growth slows. Russia, Ukraine, Latvia and other
post-Soviet states show this – and it may be a forecast of European experience.
This raises the ratio of elderly to working-age populations. A slowly growing
labor force must support more and more retirees.
Studies in almost every country have shown that health
standards and lifespans are polarizing between wealthy and poor. A recent U.S.
study notes: “The life-expectancy gap between rich and poor in the United
States is actually accelerating. Since 2001, American men among the nation’s
most affluent 5 percent have seen their lifespans increase by more than two
years. American women in that bracket have registered an almost three-year
extension to their life expectancy. Meanwhile, the poorest five percent of Americans have seen essentially no gains at all.”[2]
This has important implications regarding recent
proposals to raise the retirement age at which people can qualify for Social
Security. Only the well to do are living longer, not blue-collar labor. Raising
the retirement age would deprive the latter of the retirement years that
better-paid individuals enjoy as a result of their healthier lives.
I mentioned above one scenario drawn by futurists:
that the best medical care might only be available in “medical islands” or
their equivalent in the United States, called “Cadillac health insurance
plans.”
Blaming the victims for their unhealthy environment as
the problem were their “personal responsibility.”
George W. Bush recommended that the poor simply should
go to hospital emergency wards when they get sick. This obviously is the most
expensive approach. Prevention is by far more economical. But public moves
along this line are being fought tooth and nail by the tobacco and soft-drink
industries, and other purveyors of bad health.
Better health and longer lifespans are achieved not
only by advanced medical technology, but by better public health standards, and
personal diets and exercise. The most serious behaviors impairing health and
longevity are smoking cigarettes, drinking alcohol and eating junk foods to the
point of obesity. In the United States, childhood diabetes is rising sharply,
especially among racial and ethnic minorities, and the poor in general.
An obvious way to keep down health expenditures is to
lead a more healthy life. In New York City, Mayor Bloomberg sought to ban the
sale of large sugar-drink servings. Lawyers for the junk-food industry,
supported by fast food restaurants and movie theaters, blocked his initiative.
And an even more powerful legal tool to block public health warnings is
contained in the Trans-Pacific Trade Agreement and its European counterpart,
the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. These proposed treaties
follow the earlier North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in levying
enormous fines on government who warn populations of the dangers of smoking or
other unhealthy behavior that is highly profitable to cigarette companies, soft
drink “sugar water” makers, and fast food restaurants selling food-like
substances that give little nourishment. Under the proposed neoliberal
agreement being put in the hands of Brussels politicians by American lobbyists,
government warnings of the health hazards of smoking will require these
governments to pay the tobacco companies what they would have earned
if cigarette sales had notdeclined as a result of these warnings! Fines
already have been levied against Australia for seeking to improve public health
by requiring such warnings on cigarette packages. A recent Australian report
concludes:
Tobacco policies implemented in the past have been
effective at decreasing overall rates of smoking, but new and innovative
interventions will be needed in the future to affect change in all populations.
Six chapters were identified with potential to limit
governments’ ability to implement tobacco control policies. The key chapters
are: investment, particularly the ISDS mechanism; rules related to
trademarks in intellectual property, regulatory coherence, cross-border
services and technical barriers to trade. … Multiple chapters may also
interact with the potential for amplified effects on tobacco
control. Various provisions in these parts of the TPP may provide the
tobacco industry with greater influence over policymaking and more avenues to
contest tobacco control measures, as well as preventing governments from
introducing new policies.[3]
Last week the European Court of Justice upheld the
2014 Tobacco Products Directive against challenges from British-American
Tobacco (BAT) and Philip Morris. Like similar laws in other countries, the
European law called for public warnings on cigarette packs telling smokers that
nicotine kills. But the tobacco companies vowed to fight back, and the TTIP is
now their major hope.
Dangers of privatization of health law under the TTIP
A recent British article lays out the problem:
A salient goal of TTIP is to shadow the Investor-State
Dispute Settlement system (ISDS), an instrument of public international law
granting firms the right to raise an action in a tribunal on the basis that a
state’s policies have harmed their commercial interests. … The economist Max
Otte has called ISDS ‘a complete disempowerment of politics’.
The tribunals are confidential, as is usual in arbitration. Negotiations over
ISDS within TTIP are also secret, the aim being to get the ink dry on the
agreement before it can provoke opposition by being made public. …
As the Economist put it, ‘if you wanted to convince the public
that international trade agreements are a way to let multinational companies
get rich at the expense of ordinary people, this is what you would do.’[4]
Dangers of financialization
The most efficient way to finance care for the elderly
– and pensions – remains pay-as-you-go planning. This is becoming difficult in
a neoliberal political environment with shrinking economic growth and
consequent demographic shrinkage. The horror story today is a Ukraine-like
situation where the labor force has fled, leaving the elderly to be supported
without much of a social budget. That is becoming the post-Soviet model, from
East Germany to the Baltics.
The American situation is worse, because Social Security,
Medicare and pensions are front-loaded by being financialized – paid for in
advance. For decades, savings have been set aside in the form of stock and bond
purchases. The problem is that when more workers retire than are contributing
to the pension plan or similar plans, their prices will decline. This will
leave the retirement plan under-funded.
As interest rates have been reduced to nearly zero
since 2008 by Quantitative Easing by the U.S. Federal Reserve and now European
Central Bank, pension funds and insurance companies have become desperate to
meet their statistically required targets. They have turned to gambling on
complex financial derivatives – and have lost heavily, because their managers
are no match for Wall Street sharpies.
It may be appropriate here to note the monetary
madness of the eurozone not having a central bank to monetize budget deficits
to spend into the economy to help it grow. That is the proper function of a
real central bank, from the Bank of England to the U.S. Federal Reserve System.
European voters are being frightened by junk economics claiming that only
commercial banks should create money and credit, not central banks. The reality
is that central banks can create the money to fund health programs without
inflating the economy. What would inflate health care costs,
especially proper care for the elderly, would be privatization and a
relinquishing of health policy to the large corporations best in a position to
profiteer.
Danger of trade agreements raising the cost of drugs
and medical technology
The technological medical revolution involves high
rent-extracting opportunities, especially in treating the elderly. The
Australian study cited above notes the dangers posed by the TPP (and hence also
by its European version) to public health expenditure, especially health costs
for the elderly. Designed largely to protect “intellectual property rights,”
the proposed treaty aims to increase monopolyrent extraction by the
pharmaceutical sector.
Provisions proposed for the TPP that have the
potential to limit implementation of new food labelling requirements in
Australia include the ISDS mechanism; the regulatory coherence chapter and
technical barriers to trade chapter. Provisions in these parts of the TPP have
the potential to restrict policymakers to regulate using the most effective
public health nutrition instruments. For example, the food industry could
argue that introduction of mandatory front-of-pack nutrition labelling would be
a technical barrier to trade. Without strong compensatory intervention to
improve consumer awareness of the relative healthfulness of foods, it is likely
that there will be no change to current high rates of obesity, metabolic
syndrome and non-communicable diseases. This would have a negative impact on
health, particularly for vulnerable populations.
For starters, the trade agreement limits the ability
of public or community pharmacies to bargain for lower drug prices. Also, any
attempt at anti-monopoly legislation would require governments to pay the
foreign producers or investors as much money as they wouldhave earned if
no “interference with markets” (that is, regulation of monopoly prices) had
existed. This would sharply increase the cost of healthcare, and “many TPP
provisions proposed during the negotiations are likely to be harmful to
health.”
There is sufficient evidence which show that increases
in the cost of medicines lead to greater patient copayments through the
PBS, and that increases in patient copayments lead to lower rates of
prescription use. Changes to prescription costs impact particularly on
vulnerable populations who have less capacity to accommodate increased
out-of-pocket expenses such as women, elderly adults, cultural and linguistic
minorities, and low-income populations; people with chronic
disease; geographically remote communities; and Aboriginal and Torres
Strait Islander populations.
Many provisions proposed for the TPP had the potential
to increase the cost of medicines. These were identified in leaked drafts of
the intellectual property chapter; the healthcare transparency
annex; and the investment chapter, which includes an investor-state
dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism. These provisions, if adopted, could be
expected to lead to an increase in the costs of managing the PBS by delaying
the availability of generic medicines, and constraining the ability of the PBS
to contain costs. An increase in the cost of the PBS to government would
be likely to lead to higher copayments for patients.
Summary
European sponsors of U.S.-style neoliberalism pose a
threat of transforming European politics, and with it the structure of
economies and society. Enormous sums of money are being spent on public
relations, and to support politicians willing to shepherd corporate monopoly
power against that of democratic government and voters. The most serious threat
to European health care and care for the aging population in general is
pressure from U.S. firms and diplomats to ram through the TTIP.
It is much more than a free trade agreement. Its
“investor dispute” mechanism threatens to disenfranchise governments. The
intent is to block them from protecting Europe’s economy, population and basic
social philosophy that has developed over the past century of social democracy.
That is why so many of us in the United States also
are fighting against this agreement. It has been a major issue in this year’s
presidential campaign. Republican nominee Donald Trump has affirmed that the
public option is by far the most economic. And Democratic contender Bernie
Sanders has opposed Hillary Clinton’s support for her patrons on Wall Street
and in the pharmaceutical monopolies. I hope that a similar fight will be waged
in Europe.
This is the text of Michael Hudson’s speech to
SANICADEMIA, May 9, 2016 in Villach, Austria for the 5th International Congress
on Geriatrics and Gerontology = 59th Austrian Convention for Hospital Management,
“We’re Living Longer: The healthcare challenges for today and tomorrow.”
Notes.
[3] Katherine Hirono, Fiona Haigh, Deborah Gleeson,
Patrick Harris, Anne Marie Thow and Sharon Frie, “Is health impact assessment
useful in the context of trade negotiations? A case study of the Trans Pacific
Partnership Agreement,” April 4, 2016.http://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/6/4/e010339.full. The report notes: “The final agreement also included
an optional tobacco carve-out from ISDS, allowing TPP countries to prevent the
use of ISDS to challenge tobacco control measures. Yet even these apparent
‘wins’ have some limitations. Unlike tobacco, the health system, food and
alcohol were not carved out from ISDS, leaving these policy areas vulnerable to
claims by foreign investors. While various safeguards have been included to try
and protect public health, experts have raised doubts about whether they will
be sufficient.”
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