The False Prosecution of Dzhokhkar
Tsarnaev
The False Prosecution of Dzhokhkar
Tsarnaev
Paul Craig Roberts
As I reported at the time, and as all
evidence indicates, the alleged Boston Marathon Bombing was a publicly
announced drill in which crisis actors were used. There were no real deaths or
injuries, and the Tsarnaev brothers did not set off a bomb.
The drill was turned into a real
event by propagandists who used the propaganda to advance their agenda of
police state regulation and to test US reaction to the use of martial law to
close down the city of Boston and the airport and to use 10,000 armed troops to
invade without warrants and search citizens’ homes under the guise that a
dangerous 19-year old “terrorist,” who was already shot up by soldiers or
police, was on the loose. The insouciant American public, the law schools, bar
associations, US Congress and media accepted this extraordinary violation of
the US Constitution based on the most flimsy of all possible stories, thus
opening Pandora’s Box of police state measures by the US government.
The faked terrorist event required
terrorists, and the Tsarnaev brothers were selected for that patsy role. The
older brother was murdered by police. The younger brother, having unexpectedly
survived police attempts to shoot him to death, was put on trial. His attorneys
were appointed by the government, and the attorneys, rather than the
prosecutor, convicted their assigned client.
All of this was accepted by the
public, but not by John Remington Graham, an attorney of wide experience. He
saw that exculpatory evidence proving the innocence of the surviving younger
brother, Dzhokhar, was ignored and later kept out of the trial. Mr. Graham took
action that succeeded in the First Circuit accepting into the record the
exculpatory evidence, thereby requiring that the evidence be considered in the
appeal of Dzhokhar’s kangaroo court death sentence.
Attentive people abroad have noticed
the increasing corruption and collapse of justice in America. On July 4, the
Danish publication, Radians & Inches, published John Remington Graham’s
account of the prosecution of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev. With permission, it is
reproduced below. Documents relating to the case will be posted seperately.
RADIANS & INCHES, VOL. 1, NO. 2
Published in Denmark on July 4, 2018
THE PROSECUTION OF DZHOKHAR TSARNAEV IN THE BOSTON BOMBING CASE
Over fifty years of practicing law,
largely in criminal justice and forensic science and medicine, I have had
reason to distrust the FBI. When I was a young lawyer, I defended
hundreds of young men who refused to be drafted into the armies of the United
States in Vietnam. I used an argument against the constitutionality of
such conscription which had been successfully used by Hartford Convention in
New England in bringing the War of 1812 to an end. For those interested
in details, I refer my readers to United States v. Crocker, 420 F.
2d 307 (8 Cir. 1970), and Kneedler v. Lane, 45 Pa. St. 238 at
240-272 (1863). All of my clients were eventually acquitted or pardoned.
Yet in those days, while I was teaching at an accredited law school, my
Congressman called me from Washington, D. C., to warn me that the FBI had a
dossier on me. The FBI considered me a probable criminal because I
defended my generation successfully, according to strict standards of
law. A little over twenty-five years ago, I was suspended from the
practice of law for sixty days, because an FBI investigation memorandum put
words in the mouth of a key witness who later gave a live deposition,
completely clearing me of any suspicion of wrongdoing. When the
deposition was published by a veteran journalist, the people of my county put
my name on the ballot by citizens’ petition, and elected me as their general
counsel and chief public prosecutor. I can provide details from the
public record on request. It came to me as no surprise, therefore, when I
learned that, in the Boston marathon case, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev could not have
detonated a pressure cooker bomb on Boylston Street in Boston on April 15,
2013, for which he was indicted, convicted, and sentenced to death, and that
the FBI’s own evidence, of which counsel on both sides and the major news media
of the United States were fully aware, conclusively proves that the accused was
not guilty. The trial in Boston was a giant hoax, a show trial produced
by the FBI and major media in a flagrant abuse of the First Amendment, and most
Americans are still not aware of the critical facts. Probably tens of
millions have read the internet-accessible report by Dr. Paul Craig Roberts, a
former assistant secretary of the treasury of the United States, about the
prosecution of Mr. Tsarnaev, drawing heavily from the judicial record, and
published widely in the United States, Canada, Europe, and Russia on and after
August 17, 2015. I shall attempt here to retell and update that story
again here, by attaching several of the most important documents accessible to
anybody with a Pacer account, so my readers may review them for themselves.
During the trial, after I had looked into the case, I wrote an opinion, stating
that, in light of known FBI-gathered evidence, there was no probable cause to
charge Dzhokhar. Drawing from fragments at the scene of the explosions,
the FBI crime lab and the indictment against Mr. Tsarnaev, and also the major
news media, stated that the culprits were carrying black backpacks, filled with
heavy pressure cooker bombs, at the time of the explosions, yet Dzhokhar in
particular who was charged, not to mention his deceased brother Tamerlan, was
shown in a still-frame photo from a street surveillance video used by the FBI
to identify the suspects, carrying a light-weight white or silvery bag over his
right shoulder only minutes before the explosions. It so happens that there
were widely published photos at the time, these still available, showing men in
paramilitary gear, wearing black backpacks which perfectly matched the black
backpacks projected by the FBI crime lab, but these individuals were not
questioned by the FBI.
The backpacks did not match, which in
itself proves that Mr. Tsarnaev was not guilty as charged in the
indictment. In an ordinary criminal investigation, Dzhokhar would have
been eliminated as a suspect, and the men in paramilitary gear would have been
approached and questioned, but the FBI let them all go. Shortly before I
released my opinion, Dr. Lorraine Day, who had for twenty-five years been chief
trauma surgeon at the general hospital in San Francisco, came forward with an
internet-accessible opinion, in which she unmistakably pointed out that, in
news photos of the scene, no blood was visible when it would have been visible
if there had been actual explosions, severing limbs as claimed, and that, when
the pretense of blood did appear, the color was a bright orange-red Hollywood
color, not the sober maroon color of human blood in real-life situations.
Not long afterwards, I was introduced
to Maret Tsarnaeva, a Russian aunt of Dzhokhar, a lawyer who had served as a
public prosecutor in the Kyrgyz Republic which had at one time been part of the
Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Maret and I spoke by skype and corresponded
by internet and regular mail. The court-appointed lawyers for Dzhokhar
had pressured Dzhokhar’s family to accept a defense that Dzhokhar was merely
following the lead of his elder brother in the commission of the crime on
marathon Monday. They had overwhelming proof that Dzhokhar was not
guilty, but would not defend him with the powerful exculpatory evidence they
possessed, and thereby save his life. As things finally turned out, the
chief counsel for the accused, appointed and paid by the United States,
appeared at trial, admitted the guilt of her client in her opening statement,
did not use the decisive evidence of innocence in her hands, and did not even
ask for a verdict of not guilty in her final summation. Maret knew
that Dzhokhar was not guilty as charged, and wanted him defended on the
merits. She later submitted an affidavit to the federal district court in
Boston, executed on April 17, 2015, and sent from the Russian Federation, in
support of her effort to appear as a friend of the court for Dzhokhar, wherein
she explained the circumstances. Students of this prosecution will be
interested in the details revealed by Mme Tsarnaeva, and so I attach of copy of
her affidavit which stands uncontroverted on the judicial record. Maret
decided to make an appearance as a friend of the court to present available
exculpatory evidence in behalf of her nephew Dzhokhar. I should note here
that I had to seek the assistance of local lawyers in Massachusetts to move my
admission to the bar of the federal district court in Boston on special
occasion so I could represent Maret in her amicus petition. The help of
countless lawyers, including the American Civil Liberties Union, was solicited
and refused, because the major news media had created such a forbidding
atmosphere that local counsel were afraid of loss of reputation or livelihood
if they were known to have assisted anybody seeking to help Mr. Tsarnaev.
I had practiced in Massachusetts before, and had never before encountered such
difficulty. Boston was the last place in the world where a fair trial of
Mr. Tsarnaev could be held. On advice of the bar liaison officer of the
federal district court in Boston, Maret represented herself in her amicus
petition, with me at her side as “of counsel” so the court would know she had
legal guidance. At her request, I prepared Maret’s motion and argument, and
filed the documents for her. Her submission was left unanswered, and so the
particulars were admitted. For those who want the facts from the judicial
record, I attach her argument which lays down the law and the facts, including
four exhibits at the end (designated Tsarnaeva exhibits 1, 2, 3, and 4) which
prove conclusively that the projections of the FBI crime lab and paragraph 7 of
the indictment (especially Tsarnaeva exhibit 3) are contradicted by a third
still-frame photo from the Whiskey Steak House video (Tsarnaeva exhibit 4), and
that, therefore, Dzhokhar was not guilty. This evidence, though offered
and not contradicted, was ignored, and no hearing was held upon it. The
trial jury was never made aware of this evidence, which was also hidden from
the general public. On June 24, 2015, Dzhokhar was sentenced to death.
The proceedings were legal theater, a game of smoke and mirrors. But at
least we secured a legal record made by the Russian aunt seeking to appear as
friend of the court, including the argument and exhibits she offered. On
motion, these items were made a visible part of the court record by the
presiding judge.
I have heard from citizens
exasperated that I have not believed the confessions attributed to Mr.
Tsarnaev. One fellow insisted I was not a lawyer, because I would not
accept those confessions, but he learned from the Minnesota Supreme Court that
I am a lawyer in good standing, and have been in practice for a half century.
Why should nobody believe the confessions in the boat and at
sentencing? Because, as Sir William Blackstone said, and as all good
criminal lawyers know, “[E]ven in cases of felony at common law, [confessions]
are the weakest and most suspicious of all testimony, ever liable to be
obtained by artifice, false hopes, promises of favour, or menaces, seldom
remembered accurately, or reported with due precision, and incapable in their
nature of being disproved by other negative evidence.” — 4 Commentaries at
357. The alleged confession in the boat in Watertown required a special
writing instrument, which Dzhokhar did not have in his possession. At
sentencing the words of the prisoner were plainly scripted for him: no
Americanized youth, as Dzhokhar was, says his lawyers were “lovely companions,”
or speaks of “Mohamed, peace be unto him,” etc. In any event, confessions must
always in law be corroborated with the so-called corpus delicti: here the
confessions cannot be true, because, if they were true, Dzhokhar would have
carried a black backpack as projected by the FBI crime lab and charged the
indictment, yet Dzhokhar carried a white bag over his right shoulder. If
there had been real explosions, as Dr. Day said, there would have been blood,
of which there was none when it should have appeared, and, when blood appeared,
it would not have been a flashy orange-red in color. False confessions
are common in criminal practice, which is why the law has for years been absorbed
in using Miranda warnings and other ways to prevent false confessions.
False confessions are a problem, especially for prosecutors, because if an
innocent suspect is convicted, the guilty party remains at large, and public
safety is imperiled.
A new team of court-appointed lawyers for Mr. Tzarnaev took an appeal in his
behalf to the First Circuit. “Counsel for the appellant” will submit
their arguments, but I daresay we shall hear nothing from them about the
backpacks that do not match, and nothing about the phony blood, which
completely change the case from guilty to not guilty, and warrant at least a
new trial, if not an acquittal as a matter of law.
Something had to be done for Dzhokhar
by somebody other than his court-appointed counsel who had thus far done
nothing for him. And that is why three distinguished Americans have appeared
before the First Circuit as friends of the court. I attach a copy of their
amicus motion without appendices and addendum. The motion refers to the
record in the federal district court in Boston, including the exculpatory
evidence and exhibits, and was filed on October 13, 2017. If the First
Circuit had wanted to continue the cover up the exculpatory evidence proving
actual innocence, including proof that the backpacks do not match, the First
Circuit could easily have denied the motion, because, never before in American
jurisprudence, as far as I am aware, has a private amicus motion ever been
allowed in a major public prosecution. If the motion had been denied,
nobody would have noticed. But, on November 9, 2017, the First Circuit
granted the amicus motion of the three distinguished American friends of the
court, including a retired professor of philosophy, an international scholar in
political science, and a doctor of medicine with thirty-seven years of practice
behind him. The appellate court will consider the decisive exculpatory
evidence which had been kept from the attention of the trial jury and the
attention of the general public, previously buried in the record as if not part
of the judicial process.
On November 24, 2017, argument in support of the amicus motion was filed as
ordered by the First Circuit. I attach a copy of the text of the
argument before the First Circuit, without caption, tables, appendices, or
addendum. The motion and our argument are now visibly part of the
judicial record, although the major media have continued to abuse the First
Amendment by hiding this material from public attention in their game of
intentional deception. We have learned of this sad reality from an honest
journalist associated with the Boston Herald, who interviewed me for about
forty-five minutes on November 26, 2017, after she discovered our filings with
the First Circuit two days beforehand. As she expressed her impression in
conversation with me, this material completely changes the story of the Boston
marathon case as reported by major news media of the United States, and she was
glad to have discovered the facts and to report them, as a good journalist should
have been. But her supervising editor blocked publication of the story.
She should have won the Pulitzer prize and seen her work published. If
the country does not find out what really happened in this case, Mr. Tsarnaev
will die by lethal injection, and the United States will be disgraced in the
eyes of history. And those responsible will be answerable to
God. I have intervened, because I am an American lawyer, and I want to be
proud of the law and proud of my country.
The lawyers on both sides of this
prosecution did not want the court to know of the decisive exculpatory evidence
in the federal district court in Boston, but the First Circuit has reached out
and demanded it. Let us hope that the First Circuit will tell the country
the truth, even though the major news and entertainment media of the United
State have thus far failed us and let us all down. I recall and remind
others of the famous Pentagon Papers case, New York Times v. United States, 403
U. S. 713 (1971), which recognized the duty of the press to prevent deception
of the people by their government. In this case, however, it is clear
from contemporary history that the New York Times, the Washington Post, CNN,
and associated major media have shamelessly aided the government of the United
States in hiding exculpatory evidence in the prosecution of a man whom they
knew or should have known was not guilty of a heinous crime, and they were
guilty of this breach of moral duty in order to mislead the American people. –
John Remington Graham of the Minnesota Bar (#3664X),
jrgraham@novicomfusion.com, 418-888-5049.
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